The Strategic Importance of Russia for India: Security, Defense, and Global Standing

When India and Russia describe their relationship as “time-tested,” it is not just diplomatic flattery. For over six decades, Moscow has been one of New Delhi’s most dependable partners, especially in matters of security and defense. Even today, as global power equations shift and Western nations press India to distance itself from Russia, the partnership endures. Understanding why Russia matters so much to India requires looking at three connected threads: a long history of diplomatic protection, deep military dependence, and a shared interest in shaping a multipolar world order.

A partnership rooted in history 🔗

The foundation of this relationship was laid during the Cold War, when a newly independent India was neither economically nor militarily strong. As a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, India often found itself at odds with the Western bloc. It was the Soviet Union that consistently stepped in to shield India from international pressure.

The most striking examples came at the United Nations Security Council. On several occasions when Western powers sought to censure India or internationalise the Kashmir dispute, the Soviet Union used its veto power to block these resolutions. Between 1957 and 1971, the USSR exercised its veto on multiple occasions specifically to protect Indian interests on issues ranging from Kashmir to the liberation of Goa.

The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 🔗

The clearest demonstration of Soviet support came in 1971. As India intervened in the Bangladesh Liberation War and Pakistan headed toward defeat, several Western countries pushed resolutions in the Security Council calling for an immediate ceasefire. The Soviet Union cast its veto repeatedly in December 1971, deflecting diplomatic pressure on India and allowing the war to reach a decisive conclusion. This support was backed by the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation signed earlier that year, which gave India crucial diplomatic cover during the conflict.

This historical pattern explains a deep reservoir of trust. The Soviet Union and later Russia stood by India when few others would, and this memory continues to shape Indian foreign policy decisions today.

Defense: the backbone of the relationship 🔗

If history built the foundation, defense cooperation is the pillar that still holds the relationship up. For decades, India relied almost entirely on Soviet and Russian hardware to equip its armed forces.

Estimates suggest that around 86 to 90 percent of military equipment in Indian service traces its origin to the former Soviet Union or Russia. This includes a wide range of platforms: Su-30MKI fighter jets, T-90 tanks, MiG aircraft, submarines, and warships. Many of these are produced under licence in India by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and other defense public sector units.

A relationship that is changing 🔗

It is worth noting that this dependence is gradually declining. Data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute shows that Russia’s share of Indian arms imports fell from around 69 percent to 46 percent over recent five-year periods, as India diversified its suppliers to include France, the United States, and Israel. The push for self-reliance under the “Atmanirbhar Bharat” initiative has further reduced reliance on imports, with domestic manufacturing accounting for a growing share of defense procurement.

Even so, Russia remains India’s single largest defense partner. The legacy fleet of Russian-origin equipment means India will depend on Moscow for spare parts, maintenance, and upgrades for many years to come.

From buyer-seller to joint production 🔗

What truly distinguishes the defense relationship is its evolution beyond simple arms sales. Over the years, the partnership has moved from a buyer-seller framework toward joint research, development, and co-production of advanced systems.

The BrahMos missile 🔗

The flagship example of this collaboration is the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile. Developed by BrahMos Aerospace, a joint venture between India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya, the missile can be launched from land, sea, and air. It travels at over three times the speed of sound and is one of the world’s most capable cruise missiles.

The BrahMos has also become one of India’s rare defense export successes. In 2022, the Philippines signed a contract worth around 375 million dollars for the missile, with deliveries beginning in 2024. Talks with other countries such as Vietnam and Indonesia have followed. A dedicated manufacturing centre in Lucknow now produces these missiles, reflecting how deeply the project is rooted in Indian soil.

Fifth-generation fighter aircraft 🔗

Cooperation on advanced aircraft has been a longer and more complicated story. India and Russia first signed an agreement in 2007 to jointly develop a fifth-generation fighter based on the Sukhoi platform. India later walked away from this project over concerns about cost, technology transfer, and the level of Indian involvement.

The idea, however, has not disappeared. Russia has continued to offer its Su-57 fifth-generation fighter to India, including a high-profile appearance at the Aero India exhibition. Recent discussions have explored the possibility of producing the aircraft in India, with reports suggesting that Russia has offered co-production and technology transfer to make the deal attractive. Whether India accepts remains an open question, but it shows how central Russia remains to India’s airpower planning.

Air defense and the S-400 system 🔗

Another major area of cooperation is air defense. India signed a deal to purchase Russia’s S-400 long-range air defense system despite the threat of US sanctions. These systems have already been deployed, including along the northern border with China.

The value of this acquisition became clear during military operations against Pakistan in 2025, when the S-400 squadrons were used to counter drone and missile attacks. For India, the willingness to proceed with this purchase despite Western objections reflects how it prioritises its own security needs and strategic autonomy.

Diplomatic support at the United Nations 🔗

Beyond weapons, Russia continues to back India on the diplomatic stage. Moscow has consistently supported India’s bid for permanent membership in a reformed and expanded United Nations Security Council. For a country that sees itself as a rising global power, this endorsement from a permanent member carries significant weight.

This diplomatic alignment extends to multilateral forums such as the BRICS grouping, the G20, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, where the two countries frequently coordinate their positions on global issues.

Fighting terrorism together 🔗

Counter-terrorism has become an increasingly important pillar of the partnership. Both countries have suffered major terrorist attacks and share concerns about extremism and cross-border terror networks.

At the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit held in December 2025, both leaders condemned the terrorist attacks in Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir and at the Crocus City Hall in Moscow. Prime Minister Modi noted that the two nations have long stood “shoulder to shoulder” in the fight against terrorism. Their joint statements have called for coordinated action against UN-listed terrorist groups, terror financing, and safe havens.

Balancing China and managing strategic autonomy 🔗

Perhaps the most delicate strategic calculation behind India’s Russia policy involves China. As Russia and China have drawn closer, especially after the Ukraine conflict, India faces a genuine concern: a Moscow that becomes too dependent on Beijing could weaken India’s strategic position.

By keeping its relationship with Russia warm, India hopes to prevent Moscow from falling entirely into China’s orbit. Analysts have noted that India’s continued engagement is partly an effort to wean Russia off its growing dependence on China. A Russia that values its ties with India is less likely to act purely as a junior partner to Beijing.

Energy and trade dimensions 🔗

The economic side of the relationship has grown dramatically in recent years, driven largely by energy. India has imported large quantities of discounted Russian crude oil, helping meet the needs of its vast population while keeping fuel costs manageable. Bilateral trade reached a record 68.7 billion dollars in the 2024-25 financial year, with both countries setting a target of 100 billion dollars by 2030. Russia also remains a major supplier of fertilizers, which are vital for Indian agriculture.

This economic relationship has not come without friction. India’s purchases of Russian oil have drawn criticism and the threat of tariffs from the United States. Yet New Delhi has maintained that its decisions are guided by national interest and the principle of strategic autonomy, meaning the freedom to choose its partners without external pressure.

Why the partnership still matters 🔗

Russia’s strategic significance for India rests on a combination of factors that few other partners can match. It offers a deep and reliable defense supply chain, a track record of diplomatic protection, willingness to share advanced technology, and a shared vision of a multipolar world where no single power dominates.

The relationship is not without limits. India is diversifying its arms suppliers, deepening ties with the United States and Europe, and pushing hard for self-reliance. Russia’s closeness to China remains a long-term worry. But for the foreseeable future, Moscow will continue to occupy a central place in India’s security and foreign policy calculations, valued as a partner whose support has been proven across decades of changing global circumstances.

What do you think? As India continues to diversify its defense partnerships and deepen ties with Western nations, how long can it maintain such a close relationship with Russia without straining its other strategic friendships? And should India prioritise its historical loyalty to Moscow or its emerging interests with new partners in a rapidly changing world order?

References

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