Central Asia sits on enormous reserves of oil, natural gas, uranium, and rare earth metals, while India is one of the world’s fastest-growing major economies hungry for energy and new markets. On paper, the two are a natural match. Yet trade between them remains surprisingly thin. In 2023, total India-Central Asia trade in goods was only around $1.7 billion to nearly $2 billion – a tiny figure for economies of this size. Understanding why this potential stays untapped means looking closely at three stubborn obstacles: the absence of direct transport routes, the problem of hard currency and payments, and the underuse of credit lines. It also means examining the strategic moves India is making to break through them.

Table of Contents

Why economic cooperation matters

Central Asia comprises five landlocked republics – Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. They form part of what India calls its “extended neighbourhood,” with civilisational and trade links going back to the days of the Silk Road. After the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, these countries opened up, and India launched its Connect Central Asia Policy in 2012, built around four Cs: Commerce, Connectivity, Consular, and Community.

The economic logic is strong. Central Asia can supply mineral fuels, fertilizers, inorganic chemicals, and rare earth compounds, while there is room for joint ventures in petrochemicals, renewable energy, textiles, pharmaceuticals, and food processing, as a Eurasian Development Bank report notes. Despite this, the volume of trade does not match the potential. The reasons are largely structural.

Obstacle one: the lack of direct transport routes

The single biggest barrier is geography combined with politics. Central Asian states are landlocked, and India has no direct overland connection to them. The natural land route would run through Pakistan and Afghanistan, but this corridor has been closed to Indian trade for decades.

The Pakistan problem

After Partition in 1947, India lost direct overland access to Central Asia because the route passes through Pakistan. As the Connect Central Asia analysis explains, goods bound for the region cannot travel through Pakistan and Afghanistan and must instead take much longer routes – typically by sea to Iran and then overland – which makes trade far less viable. Pakistan has consistently denied India transit rights, effectively cutting off the shortest path.

High logistics costs

Because no efficient direct corridor exists, goods travel by long maritime detours or costly overland paths. The Eurasian Development Bank identifies the low productivity of the transport and logistics sector as one of the most important obstacles, since high costs reduce both the competitiveness of goods and the overall volume of trade. The current land route via China remains expensive and poses a serious logistical challenge for Indian traders.

Competition from China

While India struggles with access, China has poured investment into the region through its Belt and Road Initiative, funding and managing many transport and infrastructure projects across Central Asia. This has cemented Beijing’s economic and political influence and left India playing catch-up.

Obstacle two: the non-availability of hard currency

The second obstacle is financial. Even when goods can move, paying for them is not straightforward. The Indian rupee is not freely convertible on the capital account, and several Central Asian currencies are weak or volatile. This creates friction in settling trade.

What convertibility means

Currency convertibility is the freedom to exchange one currency for another at market rates without restrictions. India allows convertibility on the current account (for trade and services) but has deliberately avoided full capital account convertibility to protect itself from external financial shocks. The result is that the rupee is not officially used as an international means of payment.

Why this slows trade

When a currency is inconvertible or volatile, it becomes a barrier to trade because foreign partners have little use for it. India has tried to promote rupee-based settlement, but even with Russia, the rupee’s volatility has proved an obstacle to its expanded use, with traders often preferring other currencies. For smaller Central Asian economies, the absence of reliable hard currency and convertible payment mechanisms makes large transactions risky and cumbersome.

The search for solutions

India has begun proposing local currency trade as a workaround. It has suggested using local currencies for trade with Kazakhstan to strengthen financial independence, and bilateral central bank arrangements are being explored. But these remain works in progress rather than fully functioning systems.

Obstacle three: insufficient credit utilisation

The third obstacle is more subtle. India has actually offered substantial financing to Central Asia, but much of it goes unused. In October 2020, India extended a US$1 billion Line of Credit for infrastructure, energy, and agriculture projects across the region. Specific credit lines have also been approved for Uzbekistan, including a US$448 million line for road construction and IT-sector development.

Why credit goes underused

The problem is that offering credit is not the same as deploying it. Weak banking links, limited trade finance for small and medium enterprises, and the absence of reliable transport and payment channels all make it hard to convert these lines of credit into actual projects and trade flows. The Eurasian Development Bank highlights trade finance gaps for SMEs as a principal barrier, noting that resolving logistics and finance problems together could unlock an estimated additional $2 billion of trade.

The institutional gap

To address weak trade ties, India launched the India-Central Asia Business Council in 2020 to encourage cooperation among businesses on both sides. Yet the broader picture remains one where credit, infrastructure, and finance have not yet come together into a smooth pipeline that businesses can actually use.

India’s strategic responses

India is not standing still. It has pursued a set of connected initiatives designed to attack these obstacles at the root, especially the transport bottleneck.

The Chabahar port

The centrepiece is Chabahar, a port on Iran’s southern coast in Sistan-Balochistan province. In May 2024, India signed a 10-year contract between Indian Ports Global Ltd and Iran’s Port and Maritime Organisation to operate the Shahid Beheshti terminal. The strategic value is clear: Chabahar lets India reach Central Asia and Afghanistan by sea-and-land, completely bypassing Pakistan. The Indian Council of World Affairs describes the port, developed with around $370 million in investment, as a gateway to Central Asia and Eurasia that is especially valuable for landlocked countries. India sees Chabahar as a connectivity hub for Afghanistan and landlocked Central Asian states.

The International North-South Transport Corridor

Chabahar connects to the broader International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a 7,200-kilometre multi-modal network of ship, rail, and road links established in 2000 among India, Russia, and Iran, now expanded to thirteen members. The corridor is designed to slash both cost and time, with reported savings of around 30% on cost and 40% on transit time compared to the traditional Suez Canal route. Together, Chabahar and the INSTC give India a resilient alternative for trade with Central Asia and beyond.

SCO and EAEU engagement

India also works through multilateral platforms. As a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), India uses the forum to deepen engagement with Central Asian republics and push for reliable, diversified supply chains. At an SCO summit, Prime Minister Modi argued that Central Asian countries could unlock their economic potential by connecting with Chabahar and India’s large market.

On the trade-policy front, India has been negotiating a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU/EEU), which includes Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. After a feasibility study, senior officials began formal FTA talks in March 2024. A successful agreement would lower tariffs and give Indian goods better access to the region, directly tackling the trade-volume problem.

The road ahead

The obstacles to India-Central Asia economic cooperation are real and interlinked. Transport gaps raise costs, currency problems complicate payments, and underused credit shows that money alone cannot fix the system. But the strategic responses – Chabahar, the INSTC, SCO engagement, and the EAEU FTA – show a coherent plan to convert geographic and financial disadvantage into a workable trade architecture. Whether these efforts succeed will depend on how quickly the physical corridors become fully operational and how effectively payment and finance mechanisms catch up. Geopolitical risks in Iran and Afghanistan remain a wild card that could disrupt the entire strategy.

What do you think? If you had to rank the three obstacles – transport, currency, and credit – which do you believe is the hardest for India to overcome, and why? And do you think bypassing Pakistan through Chabahar is a durable long-term solution, or does it simply trade one set of geopolitical risks for another?

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References
  1. https://www.specialeurasia.com/2025/09/15/india-central-asia-trade/
  2. https://www.drishtiias.com/to-the-points/Paper2/connect-central-asia-policy
  3. https://eabr.org/en/analytics/special-reports/bridging-borders-role-of-trade-finance-in-enhancing-india-central-asia-trade/
  4. https://thediplomat.com/2024/10/is-there-a-future-for-central-asias-indian-ocean-transport-projects/
  5. https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/internationalization-of-rupee-1
  6. https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2023/12/the-difficult-realities-of-the-bricsdedollarization-effortsand-the-renminbis-role
  7. https://pwonlyias.com/mains-answer-writing/indias-development-centric-approach-in-central-asia/
  8. https://www.specialeurasia.com/2025/08/11/india-central-asia/
  9. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/continuity-india-ties-central-asia
  10. https://www.specialeurasia.com/2025/09/15/india-central-asia/
  11. https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/chabahar-port-agreement
  12. https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&level=3&ls_id=10919&lid=6938
  13. https://www.newsonair.gov.in/india-says-chabahar-port-will-provide-connectivity-to-landlocked-central-asian-countries
  14. https://www.impriindia.com/insights/instc-2000/
  15. https://www.deccanherald.com/india/pm-modi-ties-chabahar-port-to-central-asias-fortunes-at-sco-meet-1031653.html
  16. https://www.orfonline.org/research/the-chabahar-gambit-india-s-play-for-influence-in-central-asia

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India's Foreign Policy in a Globalising World

1 Evolution of India‘s Foreign Policy

  1. Genesis of India’s Foreign Policy
  2. Indian Freedom Movement and the Foreign Policy Values
  3. Indian National Congress and the Evolution of India’s World-view
  4. Nehru’s Period
  5. ‘Nehruvian Consensus’
  6. India’s Foreign Policy during Cold War
  7. India’s Foreign Policy during 1990s
  8. India’s Foreign Policy under NDA – I
  9. India’s Foreign Policy during UPA
  10. India’s Foreign Policy under NDA – II

2 Determinants of India‘s Foreign Policy

  1. Nature and Type of Determinants
  2. Geographical Factors
  3. Economic Factors
  4. Historical and Cultural Factors
  5. Domestic Milieu
  6. Persona of the Leadership
  7. Ideological Predilections
  8. International Scenario
  9. Minor Determinants
  10. Complexity of Working of Determinants

3 Principles and Objectives of India‘s Foreign Policy

  1. Policy of Non-Alignment
  2. Panchsheel
  3. Anti-Colonialism, Anti-Imperialism, and Anti-Apartheid
  4. Avoidance of Force for Settlement of International Disputes
  5. Belief in Ideals Enshrined in UN Charter
  6. Equitable and Egalitarian International Order
  7. Faith in Ideal of World Peace
  8. Bilateral Framework of Dispute Settlement
  9. Disarmament
  10. Protection and Promotion of National Interests
  11. Autonomy in Decision-Making
  12. Economic Drivers of Foreign Policy
  13. Global Counter-Terrorism Framework
  14. Equitable Environmental Protection Framework
  15. Non-Discriminatory Technology Transfer Regimes
  16. Diaspora and Soft Power

4 Making of India‘s Foreign Policy- Institutions and Mechanisms

  1. Complexities in Making of India’s Foreign Policy
  2. Ministry of External Affairs
  3. Prime Minister’s Office
  4. National Security Advisor
  5. Cabinet Committee on Security
  6. Parliament
  7. Parliamentary Committees
  8. Policy Think Tanks
  9. Mechanism of Foreign Policy Making in India

5 India‘s Policy towards USA

  1. Early Years
  2. Cold War Phase – 1947-1991
  3. Post Cold War Phase 1991– Immediate Years
  4. Modest Beginning in Defence Ties
  5. Nuclear Relations
  6. UN Security Council Reforms
  7. Export Control Regimes
  8. Economic Cooperation
  9. Narendra Modi Takes Over
  10. Advent of Trump Administration

6 India‘s Policy towards Russia

  1. Influence of Socialism and Soviet Union on India
  2. Indo-Soviet Relations: Initial Phase
  3. India’s ties with Russia in the Post-Soviet Period
  4. India – Russia Coordination at the UN
  5. Strategic significance of Russia for India
  6. India’s Concerns
  7. Prospects of India-Russia Relations

7 India‘s Policy towards China

  1. India‘s China Policy
  2. Issue of Tibet
  3. Border Dispute
  4. Negotiations and Agreements
  5. India-China Economic Relations
  6. Belt and Road Initiative

8 India‘s Policy towards Pakistan

  1. Divergent Concepts of Nationhood
  2. Princely States
  3. Accession of Jammu & Kashmir and the First India-Pakistan War of 1948
  4. Aksai Chin
  5. Siachen Glacier
  6. Wars between India and Pakistan
  7. Indus Water Treaty, 1960
  8. Peace Process and CBMs in the 1990s
  9. Terrorism is the ‘Core’ Issue
  10. India’s Policy towards Pakistan since 2014

9 India‘s Policy towards other Neighbours

  1. Bangladesh: A Geostrategic Overview
  2. Myanmar: A Geostrategic Overview
  3. Bhutan: A Geostrategic Overview
  4. Bangladesh, Myanmar, Bhutan and Northeastern Region of India
  5. Nepal: A Geostrategic Overview
  6. Sri Lanka: A Geostrategic Overview
  7. Maldives: A Geostrategic Overview
  8. Afghanistan: A Geostrategic Overview

10 India‘s Act East Policy

  1. India‘s Act East Policy
  2. Background
  3. The ‘Look East’ Policy
  4. From ‘Looking’ to Engaging East
  5. Great Powers and the ‘Look East’ Policy
  6. The ‘Act East’ Policy
  7. ‘Act East’ Policy and Regional Security

11 India and Central Asia and West Asia

  1. Central Asia: A Background
  2. Economy
  3. Polity and Society
  4. Geo-Strategic Importance
  5. India and Central Asia
  6. Bilateral Relations
  7. Security Concerns
  8. Economic Cooperation
  9. Cultural Relations
  10. Obstacles to Economic Cooperation
  11. West Asia: A Background
  12. Geostrategic Scenario: Wars and Conflicts in West Asia
  13. India and West Asia
  14. India‘s “Look West” Policy
  15. Landmarks in India’s Policy

12 India‘s Policy towards Africa and Latin America

  1. Importance of Africa
  2. Evolving Relationship
  3. India in Africa
  4. India-Africa Trade
  5. Collaboration in Energy
  6. Security Cooperation
  7. Economic Ties
  8. Diplomatic Ties
  9. Defence Ties

13 Security Concerns

  1. Defining Security
  2. India’s Traditional Security Concerns
  3. Bilateral Issues with Neighbouring Countries
  4. Non-Traditional Challenges
  5. Terrorism and Extremism
  6. Energy Security
  7. Cyber Security

14 Environmental Concerns

  1. Globalisation and Environment
  2. Global Environmental Issues and Initiatives
  3. UNFCCC
  4. Kyoto Protocol
  5. Paris Agreement
  6. The International Stage
  7. North-South Divide
  8. India and Environment
  9. Solution to the Environmental Problems

15 Economic Concerns

  1. India’s Economic Landscape
  2. Economy: Post-Independence
  3. India and WTO
  4. India vs ASEAN
  5. India and G20
  6. India’s Trade Relations in South Asia
  7. Trade and Foreign Policy
  8. India at 2030