The Mughal Empire under Akbar faced a problem that every large, diverse state must solve: who has the final word? When subjects follow different religions, speak different languages, and answer to different priests, the question of ultimate authority becomes dangerous. Abul Fazl, Akbar’s court historian and one of his closest advisors, answered this question with a bold theory. He argued that a just ruler held supreme authority over everything in the realm, including matters of faith. This was not flattery dressed up as philosophy. It was a carefully built justification for centralising power in the emperor and freeing the throne from the control of religious scholars.
Table of Contents
- Who was Abul Fazl and why his ideas mattered
- The theory of divine light
- Why divine light made the ruler supreme
- The just ruler versus the unjust ruler
- Sovereignty as a kind of contract
- The Mahzar of 1579 and authority in religion
- What changed about the king’s role
- Curbing the power of the clergy
- Religious tolerance and rational governance
- Sulh-i-kul, peace with all
- The Ibadat Khana and the role of reason
- Connecting authority to welfare
- Why this theory was revolutionary
Who was Abul Fazl and why his ideas mattered
Abul Fazl ibn Mubarak (1551-1602) served as one of Akbar’s most trusted advisors and was counted among the celebrated Navaratnas, the nine jewels of the court. His major works were the Akbarnama and its third volume, the Ain-i-Akbari, which together recorded Akbar’s reign and laid out the official ideology of Mughal kingship.
Abul Fazl grew up watching his father, Sheikh Mubarak, struggle against religious hardliners. This experience shaped his lifelong distrust of orthodox clergy and his belief in unity over sectarian division. As a result, his political writing was never just history. It was a reasoned defence of a particular kind of ruler: one who could rise above religious factions and govern all subjects equally.
What makes his ideas important is that he supplied the intellectual framework for Akbar’s most controversial decisions. When Akbar reduced the power of the clergy or claimed authority in religious disputes, it was Abul Fazl who explained why this was legitimate.
The theory of divine light
At the centre of Abul Fazl’s thought sits the idea of Farr-i-Izadi, the divine light. According to him, sovereignty was a light emanating directly from God to the king, without any intermediary. He famously described royalty as a light from God and a ray from the sun.
This was a deliberate shift away from an older idea. Earlier rulers had described themselves as Zill-i-Ilahi, the shadow of God. A shadow is a faint, secondary thing. Abul Fazl rejected this as inadequate. The king, in his view, was not a mere shadow but an actual recipient of divine radiance, a reflector of the light he received.
Why divine light made the ruler supreme
The logic here is simple but powerful. If the king receives his authority directly from God, then no one can stand between God and the ruler. Not the clergy, not the nobles, not rival claimants. Authority is communicated to kings without anyone else’s help.
This idea also explained why the king deserved obedience. Abul Fazl argued that the possession of divine light produced visible qualities in the ruler: a large heart, generosity, trust in God, and paternal love for all subjects. These qualities were the proof that a particular ruler genuinely held the divine light, separating the true sovereign from an ordinary tyrant.
The just ruler versus the unjust ruler
Abul Fazl did not claim that divine light freed the king from duty. In fact, he made a sharp distinction between the just and the unjust ruler, and this distinction is the heart of the whole theory.
He argued that only a just ruler could, like a salt-bed, convert the impure into pure and the bad into good. The just ruler was marked by tolerance, respect for reason, and fatherly love towards all subjects regardless of their religion or creed. An unjust ruler might sit on the throne, but he did not truly carry the divine light.
This is why the theory is about the supreme authority of the just ruler specifically, and not simply about absolute monarchy. The authority is conditional on justice. A ruler earns and keeps the divine sanction by governing fairly and caring for the welfare of every subject.
Sovereignty as a kind of contract
Interestingly, Abul Fazl combined this divine theory with an early notion of a social contract. He argued that without a strong ruler, society would collapse into lawlessness and rebellion, a view that scholars often compare to the European thinker Thomas Hobbes. To prevent this chaos, sovereignty functioned as an agreement: the king protected the life, property, honour, and faith of his subjects, and in return they offered obedience and a share of their resources.
His conclusion tied both ideas together. Only a just sovereign, backed by both power and divine guidance, could honour this contract. The divine light and the duty to protect the people were two sides of the same coin.
The Mahzar of 1579 and authority in religion
The most concrete expression of supreme authority came through a document called the Mahzar, issued in September 1579. Often called the Infallibility Decree, it was prepared by Sheikh Mubarak, Abul Fazl’s father, and signed by the leading Muslim theologians of the empire.
The Mahzar declared Akbar to be the Imam-i-Adil, the just leader. Crucially, it gave him the right to act as the supreme arbiter when religious scholars disagreed on the interpretation of Islamic law. If the jurists held conflicting opinions on a question, Akbar could choose which interpretation would stand, provided it did not directly contradict the Quran.
What changed about the king’s role
This was a major break from the past. During the Delhi Sultanate, the king had no formal say in religious matters; those belonged to the clergy. The Mahzar changed this by making the emperor the final authority even in religious disputes. As the standard reading of the decree holds, Akbar was placed above the mujtahid, the qualified interpreter of holy law.
The historian Vincent Smith described this as the moment Akbar extended his autocracy from the temporal to the spiritual side. Later scholars have debated how far Akbar actually intended to go, with some arguing the decree’s language was universal in spirit rather than narrowly about Islamic law. Either way, the practical effect was the same: religious authority could no longer block the emperor’s policies.
Curbing the power of the clergy
The decree fit a larger pattern. Akbar wanted to reduce the unwarranted interference of the ulema, the class of religious scholars, in matters of state. He had grown frustrated with their narrow and quarrelsome behaviour during religious debates. By becoming the final judge in disputed questions, he prevented orthodox and communal forces from shaping his religious policy.
It is worth noting that this was less about replacing religion with secular government in the modern sense, and more about preventing any single religious faction from capturing the state.
Religious tolerance and rational governance
Supreme authority was not an end in itself. Abul Fazl and Akbar used it to pursue a distinctive vision of governance built on two pillars: tolerance and reason.
Sulh-i-kul, peace with all
The guiding principle was Sulh-i-kul, usually translated as universal peace or absolute peace. Drawn from Sufi mystical thought, it aimed for harmony among all religions and equal treatment of all subjects regardless of their faith. This principle ran through Abul Fazl’s entire political and religious theory.
Sulh-i-kul was more than a slogan. It asserted the moral equality of individuals and rejected religious hierarchy as a basis for political privilege. In practice, this meant grounding the ruler’s legitimacy in justice and compassion rather than in religious dominance. The famous policy was supported by concrete measures, such as the earlier abolition of the jizya tax on non-Muslims and the appointment of officials like Raja Todar Mal and Raja Birbal to high office on the basis of merit rather than religion.
The Ibadat Khana and the role of reason
To put rational inquiry into practice, Akbar established the Ibadat Khana, or House of Worship, at Fatehpur Sikri in 1575. He invited scholars from many traditions, including Sunni and Shia Muslims, Sufis, Hindus, Jains, Parsis, and Christian Jesuits, to debate matters of faith.
These debates had a lasting effect on Akbar. Hearing so many competing claims convinced him that no single interpretation held the whole truth and that all religions reflected part of a larger reality. This conclusion supported a governance style based on reason and evidence rather than on the unquestioned authority of any one creed.
Connecting authority to welfare
This is where the theory’s two halves meet. Because the just ruler held supreme authority over both worldly and religious affairs, he could enforce tolerance from above. No priest or faction could override the emperor’s decision to treat all subjects equally. Supreme authority became the tool that protected the popular well-being of a diverse population.
Abul Fazl compared the ideal king to a father obliged to care for all his children. The emperor’s elevated position was justified precisely because it was used for the common welfare, not for the benefit of one community over another.
Why this theory was revolutionary
Abul Fazl’s framework reorganised the very basis of political legitimacy. By rooting the king’s authority in divine light and personal justice rather than in religious orthodoxy, he freed the throne from dependence on the clergy.
He also dislocated history itself from a purely Islamic foundation. In the Akbarnama, he traced Akbar’s lineage back to Adam, the first human being, rather than presenting the emperor merely as an heir to the Islamic caliphs. This positioned Akbar as a ruler meant to govern all peoples, not just one religious community.
The result was a uniquely Indian theory of sovereignty for a uniquely diverse empire. The emperor stood at the apex of both political and spiritual life, but his authority was tied to justice, reason, and the equal treatment of every subject. Supreme authority and popular welfare were designed to reinforce each other.
What do you think? Does grounding a ruler’s legitimacy in personal justice rather than in any single religion make authority more stable, or does it simply concentrate too much power in one person? And can a state today learn anything useful from Abul Fazl’s attempt to place tolerance under the protection of the highest political authority?
References
- https://www.britannica.com/topic/Akbar-nameh
- https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/0DC1BE9F648EC16A790CF8DAE48E6806/S0035869X00065527a.pdf/new_interpretation_of_akbars_infallibility_decree_of_15791.pdf
- https://irjhis.com/paper/IRJHIS2602008.pdf
- https://www.britannica.com/biography/Akbar
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