When Abul Fazl entered Akbar’s court in 1574, he carried with him a deep personal grievance against the orthodox Islamic scholars of his age. His father, the liberal theologian Shaikh Mubarak, had spent nearly twenty years as a fugitive, hounded from home to home by the religious establishment for his sympathies with unorthodox sects. This experience shaped Abul Fazl into one of medieval India’s sharpest critics of religious orthodoxy. He came to see the traditionalist clergy not merely as theological rivals, but as a genuine obstacle to stable, rational, and inclusive governance. His critique would go on to provide the intellectual foundation for some of the most significant political experiments of the Mughal period.

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Who were the traditionalists?

The “traditionalists” Abul Fazl criticised were the ulama, the body of orthodox Islamic scholars who interpreted religious law and claimed authority over both spiritual and legal matters in the state. For centuries, these scholars had positioned themselves as the gatekeepers of Islamic learning and the final word on what was permissible. They favoured taqlid, or blind adherence to established doctrine and precedent, over independent reasoning.

Abul Fazl’s family had felt the sharp edge of this orthodoxy. His father’s sympathy with the Mahdawi movement led powerful clerics like Makhdum-ul-Mulk Abdullah Sultanpuri to order the confiscation of his grants and drive the family into hiding. This persecution embittered the young Abul Fazl against the orthodoxy permanently. He devoted a large portion of his autobiography to describing his father’s suffering and dedicated much of his career to exposing what he saw as the narrow-minded bigotry of the clergy.

A clash of worldviews

This was not simply a personal feud. Abul Fazl drew his philosophical insights from an extraordinarily broad range of sources, including the peripatetic philosophy of Ibn Sina, the illuminationist tradition of Iran, and the mystical thought of Ibn al-Arabi. This wide reading shaped a man who valued reason and inquiry above received dogma. The orthodox ulama, who built their authority on tradition and textual literalism, represented the exact opposite of everything he believed about how knowledge and faith should function. The clash between them was, at heart, a clash between two fundamentally different views of how a society should be governed.

Reason over blind tradition

At the core of Abul Fazl’s critique was a defence of reason (aql) against blind imitation. He championed the majesty of rational inquiry over received faith accepted without question. Scholar Harbans Mukhia and others have noted that Abul Fazl positioned intellect and independent judgement as superior to the inherited certainties of the clergy.

This rationalism was not a rejection of religion itself. Instead, Abul Fazl drew a distinction between universal religiosity, which he saw as the shared essence of all faiths, and the narrow denominational squabbles of the theologians. He argued that true religion was universal and that all existing faiths were simply different paths toward the same divine truth. By framing matters this way, he reduced the orthodox ulama’s claims to special authority. If all faiths pointed toward one truth, then no single group of scholars could claim a monopoly on it.

Why orthodoxy threatened the state

Abul Fazl’s objection to the traditionalists was deeply political. He believed that religious orthodoxy actively endangered the stability and unity of the empire. The Mughal state ruled over a vast and diverse population of Muslims, Hindus, Jains, Christians, and Parsis. A state that allowed a narrow clergy to impose rigid doctrine and persecute dissenters would inevitably fracture along religious lines.

He saw the ulama’s interference in politics as a source of arbitrary judgement and division. When commenting on the discriminatory jizya tax on non-Muslims, for instance, Abul Fazl argued that its imposition stemmed not just from a desire for profit but from the clergy’s contempt for their opponents and a wish to destroy them. For Abul Fazl, a governance model held hostage by such prejudice could never deliver justice or maintain peace.

Sulh-i-kul: the inclusive alternative

Against the exclusivity of the orthodox clergy, Abul Fazl articulated the doctrine of Sulh-i-kul, meaning “peace with all” or absolute tolerance. This principle became the cornerstone of Akbar’s governance and ran through all of Abul Fazl’s political and religious thought.

The idea was strikingly inclusive for its time. Under Sulh-i-kul, all religions and sects enjoyed freedom of expression, with the single condition that they neither harmed the monarchy nor fought among themselves. Sovereignty itself was not confined to any one faith. Abul Fazl held that in a multi-religious country, the agent of God could not practise discrimination among the various faiths present in society. This was a direct rebuke to a clergy that defined the legitimate community narrowly and treated outsiders as inferior.

The king as a unifying figure

To make this vision workable, Abul Fazl developed a theory of monarchy that deliberately bypassed the religious establishment. He argued that kingship was a divine light (Farr-i-Izadi) received by the emperor directly from God, not mediated through any religious institution or clergy. The ideal king was an Insan-i-Kamil, a perfect man and enlightened guide responsible for the justice, welfare, and spiritual harmony of all his subjects regardless of faith.

This move was clever and consequential. By rooting royal authority in a direct divine relationship, Abul Fazl removed the ulama from their traditional role as the source of political legitimacy. The emperor no longer needed the clergy’s blessing to rule. He stood above them as a unifying figure for the entire population.

The Mahzar of 1579: critique into policy

Abul Fazl’s critique was not confined to theory. It found concrete expression in the famous Mahzar, a declaration issued in 1579 and drafted primarily by his own father, Shaikh Mubarak. The document fundamentally rearranged the relationship between religious and political authority in the empire.

The Mahzar declared that in cases of conflicting interpretations of Islamic law, the emperor had the right to choose whichever interpretation he deemed consistent with justice, public interest, and reason. It elevated Akbar to the position of imam-i adil, a just ruler standing above the mujtahids, the scholars qualified to interpret the law. With a single document, the orthodox ulama found their authority severely curtailed.

How Abul Fazl defended it

Abul Fazl played a central role in both shaping the climate that produced the Mahzar and defending its logic. During the weekly religious debates Akbar convened at the Ibadat Khana, Abul Fazl used his intellect and skilful steering of the discussions to discredit the ulama in the emperor’s eyes. He framed the decree not as an attack on Islam but as a means of preserving its true essence by preventing the sectarian conflicts and narrow interpretations that could divide the empire.

Interestingly, Abul Fazl explained Akbar’s authority to interpret law despite the emperor’s near-illiteracy by appealing to a higher form of knowledge. He argued that Akbar possessed supreme and intuitive knowledge, superior to the bookish learning of the scholars he dismissively termed “paper-worshipping scholiasts.” Reason and divine insight, in his framing, outranked rote scholarship.

The legacy of a contested critique

Abul Fazl’s challenge to the traditionalists was bold, but it was never universally accepted, even in his own time. His great contemporary critic, the historian Abdul Qadir Badauni, mourned what he saw as the decline of orthodox Islam under Akbar and condemned the marginalisation of the ulama. The contrasting accounts of Abul Fazl and Badauni remind us that history here is told through two opposing lenses, each reflecting the personal and ideological biases of its author.

Abul Fazl himself paid a price for his influence. In 1602, he was assassinated by Bir Singh Bundela on the instructions of Prince Salim, the future emperor Jahangir, who resented his hold over Akbar. Yet his intellectual legacy endured. Scholars have praised the rationality and inclusiveness at the heart of his thought, noting that few thinkers after him debated questions of sovereignty at the same level of reason and abstraction.

His vision of a state guided by reason rather than religious orthodoxy, and his insistence that the ruler serve all communities equally, anticipated later ideas about secular and inclusive governance. The constitutional principle of equal respect for all religions, sometimes expressed as sarva dharma sambhava, shares a clear conceptual kinship with the spirit of Sulh-i-kul, even though the mechanisms of a modern democracy differ entirely from those of a sixteenth-century empire.

What do you think? Was Abul Fazl’s critique of the traditionalists a genuine philosophical commitment to reason and tolerance, or primarily a clever justification for concentrating power in the hands of his patron, Akbar? And can a model that placed so much authority in a single enlightened ruler offer any meaningful lessons for inclusive governance today?

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References
  1. https://egyankosh.ac.in/handle/123456789/84185
  2. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abul-fazl-allami-historian/
  3. https://selfstudyhistory.com/2020/09/29/akbar-evolution-of-religious-and-social-outlook-theory-of-sulh-i-kul-and-religious-policy-part-i/
  4. https://lotusarise.com/abul-fazls-concept-of-monarchy/
  5. https://www.gktoday.in/mahzar-nama/
  6. https://indianhistorycollective.com/padshah-i-islam/
  7. https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/ba-hons-political-science/abul-fazl-cpp/38738966

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Indian Political Thought-l

1 Brahmanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Basic Concepts
  3. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  4. Limitations of Brāhmanic
  5. Reactions Towards Brāhmanic

2 Sramanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Reactions against Brāhmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Political Thought in Śramanic Scriptures
  5. Limitations of Śramanic
  6. Reactions towards Śramanic Tradition

3 Islamic

  1. Methodological Issues
  2. Comparison with Brahmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Initial Period of Delhi Sultanate: Ziauddin Barani
  5. The Mughal Period and Abul Fazal
  6. The Colonial Period and Pan-Islamism of Mohammad Iqbal
  7. Limitations of Islamic Tradition
  8. Reactions towards Islamic Tradition

4 Bhakti

  1. Reaction towards Evils in the Hindu Society
  2. Challenge from Other Religions
  3. Influence of Sufism
  4. Enriched Diversity of Bhakti Tradition
  5. Evolution of Socio-Political Ideas and Polity
  6. Means of Reforms: Bhakti, Service, Critique, and Resistance
  7. Limitations of Bhakti Tradition
  8. Impact of Bhakti Tradition

5 Ved Vyasa Rajdharma (Shantiparva)

  1. Vyas and Mahabharata
  2. Origin of State
  3. Kinship
  4. Government
  5. Justice and Dandaneeti
  6. Inter-State Relations

6 Manu Social Order and Laws

  1. Sources of Law
  2. Rajdharma: The Duties of the King
  3. Social Laws: Marriage
  4. Social Laws: Women
  5. Social Laws: Mixed Castes
  6. Criticism

7 Kautilya State and Duties of Kingship

  1. Kautilya: His Work and His Times
  2. Kautilya’s Views on State
  3. Swami or the King
  4. Amatya or the Minister
  5. Janapada or the People
  6. Durga or the Fort
  7. Kosha or Treasury
  8. Danda or Sena
  9. Mitra or Ally
  10. Comparisons with Western Political Thinkers

8 Kautilya Mandala Theory

  1. Concept of Mandala
  2. Peace Politics or Upayas
  3. War Tactics or Shadgunyas
  4. Role of Envoys
  5. Role of Spies
  6. Views on National Security
  7. Realism and Kautilya
  8. Glimpses of Arthashastra in India’s Foreign Policy

9 Digha Nikaya-The Idea of Chakravartin

  1. Scope of Dīgha Nikāya
  2. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  3. Initial Phase: Origin of Kingship as Quasi Contractual Arrangement
  4. Theory of ‘Great Elect’ (Mahasammat)
  5. Implications
  6. Psychological Foundations for Political Speculation
  7. Nature of the Great Elect
  8. Second Phase: All Powerful Monarchical State
  9. Theories of Kingship
  10. Traces of Republican States
  11. Notion and Symbols of Sovereignty
  12. Seven Symbols of Sovereignty
  13. Ten Royal Virtues (dasa-rājadhamma)
  14. Elements of Regalia
  15. Buddhist Ideas on the Constituents of the State
  16. Objectives of the State
  17. Possibility of Abuse of Power by the State
  18. Third Phase: The Idea of Cakkavatti and the State as an Instrument of Dhamma
  19. Dhamma and State
  20. The ānā and Dhamma
  21. The Ānā and Attha
  22. State as Ethical Instrument of the Dhamma
  23. The Idea of Cakkavatti
  24. Normative Kingship and the Creation of a Just Social Order
  25. Absence of State Religion
  26. Limitations of Śramanic Idea of Kingship

10 Zia –Ul –Barani- Royal Authority and Just Rule

  1. Early life and Influence
  2. Major Works
  3. The Advocacy and Defence of Historiography as a Field of Knowledge
  4. The Idea of Political Expediency and Realism
  5. Zawabit/State Laws: The Ideal Polity
  6. Theory of Kingship
  7. Idea of Justice and Just Rule
  8. Appointment of Judges
  9. Justice for Hindus and Muslims
  10. Remission of Taxes
  11. Favouring the Elites
  12. Nobility
  13. Bureaucracy
  14. Army
  15. Criticism

11 Abul Fazal- Monarchical Authority and Popular Well being

  1. Early Influence
  2. Impact of his Father’s struggles on his Intellectual Tradition
  3. Influence of Ibn Arabi
  4. Important Works and Style
  5. Association of Akbar and Abul Fazal
  6. Context of Mughal Inheritance and a Search for Unity
  7. Major Approaches to Governance
  8. Abul Fazal’s Methodology
  9. Sovereignty and Social Contract
  10. Secularism of Din-e-Ilahi
  11. Decree of Mazhar
  12. Din-e-Ilahi
  13. Critique of Traditionalists
  14. The Divine Origin of the Badshah/King: Divine Theory of Monarchical Authority
  15. Sovereignty in Badshahat
  16. Just and Unjust Ruler
  17. Supreme Authority of the Just Ruler
  18. Divine Tolerance and Sulh-e-Kul
  19. Akbar as an Ideal King and Spirit of Age
  20. Division of Society: Comparison with Plato
  21. Theory of Justice
  22. Abul Fazal’s Views on Administration and popular well being: Reforms
  23. Departure from Delhi Sultanate
  24. Importance to Talent
  25. Changes in Tax system
  26. Criticism

12 Akka Mahadevi- Critique of Social Order

  1. Birth and Early Age
  2. Guru in the Life of Akka
  3. Marriage and Renunciation
  4. Mahadevi the Saint and Entry in Anubhava Mantapa
  5. Arguments at Anubhava Mantapa
  6. Journey to Sri Sailam
  7. Major Writings: Vachans
  8. Intellectual Inspiration from the Lingayat Tradition and Critique of the Social Order-1
  9. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition
  10. Social Value of the Vachana Tradition
  11. Resistance to Caste and Religious Oppression
  12. Sharana Movement and Anubhava Mantapa as an Argumentative Space
  13. Symbol of Ishtalinga as a Resistance to Brahmanical Oppression
  14. Pillars of Lingayatism
  15. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition on Mahadevi’s Vachanas
  16. Vachanas of the Women Saints as a Form of Social Resistance
  17. Breakdown of Caste Hierarchies
  18. Smashing of Patriarchy
  19. Critique of Monarchy
  20. Nudity and Defiance of Social Order
  21. Feminist Epistemology
  22. Criticism

13 Kabir- Religious Boundaries and the Quest for Social Harmony

  1. Introduction
  2. Religious and Social Harmony in Kabir
  3. Kabir’s Political and Social Ideas
  4. Kabir’s Thoughts on Women