In 1582, the Mughal emperor Akbar did something no Indian ruler had attempted before. He launched a spiritual order that drew on Islam, Hinduism, Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Jainism, and placed himself at its centre as a spiritual guide. This was Din-e-Ilahi, the “Religion of God.” It was never a mass religion, and it never had more than a handful of followers. Yet its real significance lies elsewhere: in how it reshaped the relationship between the emperor, religious law, and the diverse people he governed. Behind this experiment stood Akbar’s brilliant minister and chronicler, Abul Fazal, who turned the emperor’s spiritual restlessness into a coherent political philosophy.

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The world that produced Din-e-Ilahi

To understand why Din-e-Ilahi emerged, you have to picture Akbar’s empire in the late 16th century. It was vast and astonishingly varied. His subjects included Hindus, Muslims, Jains, Christians, Parsis, and Sikhs, each with their own customs and legal traditions. His court relied heavily on Islamic scholars, the ulama, who frequently disagreed among themselves on points of doctrine and law.

Akbar, who became the real founder of the empire after his victory at the Second Battle of Panipat in 1556, recognised a basic political problem. A majority of his subjects were not Muslims. Governing them through rigid orthodox Islamic law would alienate the very people whose loyalty the empire needed. He understood that a strong, stable state required the cooperation of Hindus, Rajputs, and others who made up the bulk of the population.

The Ibadat Khana debates

Around 1575, Akbar built the Ibadat Khana, or House of Worship, at Fatehpur Sikri. At first, the debates held there were open only to Muslims, and after finishing state business each Thursday night Akbar would go there to listen. Over time, he opened the discussions to scholars of Hinduism, Christianity, Jainism, Zoroastrianism, and even atheists.

The debates had a profound effect on him. According to Abul Fazal, these discussions convinced Akbar that all religions contained elements of truth and pointed toward the same supreme reality. This conviction became the seed for his later religious ideas. But the debates also disappointed him. Instead of producing mutual understanding, the constant theological quarrelling among the ulama created bitterness. By 1582, Akbar discontinued the debates, having drawn his own conclusions about the limits of religious dogma.

The Mahzar of 1579: shifting authority to the throne

Before Din-e-Ilahi could take shape, Akbar needed to free himself from the religious establishment. The decisive step came in 1579 with the Mahzar, a document attested by leading ulama of the court. The Mahzar declared that in cases where Islamic jurists disagreed on the interpretation of law, Akbar had the authority to choose the interpretation he judged most consistent with justice, public interest, and reason.

This was a remarkable reordering of power. As the World History Encyclopedia notes, the decree declared Akbar the Imam-i-Adil, the just ruler, transferring ecclesiastical authority from the ulama to the emperor himself. He became the supreme arbiter in religious disputes. Historians have argued for decades about what the Mahzar really meant. Some saw it as an “infallibility decree” modelled on the Papacy, while others argued it was meant to replace the sharia. The historian S.A. Rizvi offered a more measured reading, suggesting the Mahzar was the first effective declaration of the principles of Sulh-i-kul that Akbar had decided to implement firmly.

Whatever its precise intent, the effect was clear. The influence of orthodox Sunni interpretation of religious law was diminished, and the emperor moved to the centre of both temporal and spiritual authority.

Abul Fazal and the philosophy of divine kingship

If Akbar provided the spiritual impulse, Abul Fazal provided the intellectual architecture. One of the celebrated “nine jewels” of Akbar’s court, Fazal was the author of the Akbarnama and its third volume, the Ain-i-Akbari, which together articulated the state ideology of the Mughals.

Fazal’s central idea was that kingship was a gift from God. He famously wrote that no dignity stood higher in the eyes of God than royalty, and that royalty was a remedy for the spirit of rebellion. He argued that the king was endowed with a divine light (farr-i-izadi), which made him not merely a ruler but a near-divine, enlightened, and infallible figure. This was a strategic move to legitimise Akbar’s authority by presenting it as granted by a higher power.

Sulh-i-kul as the foundation of governance

The principle that ran through all of Fazal’s thinking was Sulh-i-kul, usually translated as “universal peace” or “absolute peace.” This doctrine held that the king, as God’s agent, could not discriminate between the various faiths in his society. As the political thinker who shaped Mughal kingship, Fazal believed that Sulh-i-kul was the foundation of enlightened governance, granting all religions and sects freedom of expression.

Sulh-i-kul was more than tolerance. Some scholars argue it involved an active rejection of religious exclusivism. By combining temporal and spiritual sovereignty in a “Godly King,” Fazal liberated the ruler from dependence on any particular faith, religious law, or the dictates of theologians. The king became a paternal figure responsible for the welfare of all subjects, bound by justice and reason rather than sectarian loyalty. Officers of the empire were directed to follow Sulh-i-kul in administration, and the policy translated into concrete measures such as the abolition of the jizya tax on non-Muslims.

Din-e-Ilahi and the pir-murid model

Din-e-Ilahi itself was the logical culmination of these developments. After returning from his Kabul campaign in 1582, Akbar convened a council of his important courtiers to formally promulgate the order. Importantly, scholars point out that it was not really a “new religion” in the conventional sense. It is better understood as a socio-religious order or brotherhood designed to cement diverse communities under one loyalty. The historian Mubarak Ali even notes that the term “Din-i-Ilahi” was not used in Akbar’s own time; Abul Fazal referred to it as Tawhid-i-Ilahi, or “Divine Monotheism.”

The order was built on the Sufi pir-murid relationship, the bond between a spiritual master (pir) and his disciple (murid). In this model, Akbar became the spiritual guide, and his chosen followers became his disciples, bound to him by personal loyalty. This structure was politically powerful. It created a direct, intensely personal tie between the emperor and his inner circle, one that transcended the older religious loyalties to the ulama or to sectarian identity.

The ethical core of the order

Din-e-Ilahi was essentially an ethical system rather than a body of theological doctrine. According to Britannica, it prohibited sins such as lust, sensuality, slander, and pride, while enjoining piety, prudence, abstinence, and kindness. Its practices drew openly from many traditions. The soul was encouraged to purify itself through yearning for God, an idea borrowed from Sufism. Celibacy was admired, echoing Christian monasticism, and the slaughter of animals was discouraged, reflecting Jain influence. Followers greeted one another with the phrase “Allah-u-Akbar.” Notably, the order had no sacred scriptures and no priestly hierarchy, which set it apart from organised religion.

Why so few joined

Din-e-Ilahi never numbered more than a handful of adherents, with some accounts placing the figure as low as nineteen. This was not a popular movement. Its appeal was intellectual and elite, confined largely to the imperial court. Significantly, when prominent Hindu nobles such as Raja Bhagwan Das and Man Singh declined membership, Akbar is never recorded as having expressed annoyance with them. This tells us a great deal: membership was voluntary, and the order was not meant to be imposed.

The very thing that made Din-e-Ilahi philosophically interesting also limited its reach. By rejecting rigid dogma, scriptures, and a clergy, it offered little of what ordinary people sought from religion. It functioned instead as a marker of loyalty among a select group of nobles who shared Akbar’s vision of Sulh-i-kul.

The legacy: an early experiment in secular governance

The term “secular” is anachronistic for the 16th century, and Din-e-Ilahi was certainly not secular in the modern sense of separating religion from the state. The emperor stood at the very centre as a quasi-divine guide. Yet the system did anticipate principles we now associate with secular governance. By elevating reason over orthodoxy and basing legitimacy on the welfare of all subjects regardless of faith, Akbar built a model of rule that did not depend on any single religion.

The order did not survive Akbar’s death in 1605, and it faced resistance from orthodox elements throughout its short life. But its underlying ideas proved more durable than the order itself. The emphasis on religious tolerance, rational governance, and concern for popular welfare continued to shape Mughal policy. In the longer run, the vision of a shared identity transcending religious boundaries would resonate with later reformers and thinkers who grappled with the same fundamental question Akbar faced: how does one govern a deeply diverse society justly and peacefully? That question remains very much alive today.

What do you think? Was Din-e-Ilahi a genuine attempt at spiritual unity, or primarily a political tool to concentrate authority in the emperor’s hands? And can a state ever truly stand “above” all religions while its ruler claims a divine sanction of his own?

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References
  1. https://www.academia.edu/37809714/Abul_Fazls_views_on_Badshahat_and_Religion_Copy
  2. https://www.worldhistory.org/Ibadat_Khana/
  3. https://www.studocu.com/en-us/document/creighton-university/social-science-history/akbar-and-his-religious-policy/91312095
  4. https://lotusarise.com/abul-fazls-concept-of-monarchy/
  5. https://lotusarise.com/din-i-ilahi-and-its-critique-upsc/
  6. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Din-i-Ilahi

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Indian Political Thought-l

1 Brahmanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Basic Concepts
  3. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  4. Limitations of Brāhmanic
  5. Reactions Towards Brāhmanic

2 Sramanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Reactions against Brāhmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Political Thought in Śramanic Scriptures
  5. Limitations of Śramanic
  6. Reactions towards Śramanic Tradition

3 Islamic

  1. Methodological Issues
  2. Comparison with Brahmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Initial Period of Delhi Sultanate: Ziauddin Barani
  5. The Mughal Period and Abul Fazal
  6. The Colonial Period and Pan-Islamism of Mohammad Iqbal
  7. Limitations of Islamic Tradition
  8. Reactions towards Islamic Tradition

4 Bhakti

  1. Reaction towards Evils in the Hindu Society
  2. Challenge from Other Religions
  3. Influence of Sufism
  4. Enriched Diversity of Bhakti Tradition
  5. Evolution of Socio-Political Ideas and Polity
  6. Means of Reforms: Bhakti, Service, Critique, and Resistance
  7. Limitations of Bhakti Tradition
  8. Impact of Bhakti Tradition

5 Ved Vyasa Rajdharma (Shantiparva)

  1. Vyas and Mahabharata
  2. Origin of State
  3. Kinship
  4. Government
  5. Justice and Dandaneeti
  6. Inter-State Relations

6 Manu Social Order and Laws

  1. Sources of Law
  2. Rajdharma: The Duties of the King
  3. Social Laws: Marriage
  4. Social Laws: Women
  5. Social Laws: Mixed Castes
  6. Criticism

7 Kautilya State and Duties of Kingship

  1. Kautilya: His Work and His Times
  2. Kautilya’s Views on State
  3. Swami or the King
  4. Amatya or the Minister
  5. Janapada or the People
  6. Durga or the Fort
  7. Kosha or Treasury
  8. Danda or Sena
  9. Mitra or Ally
  10. Comparisons with Western Political Thinkers

8 Kautilya Mandala Theory

  1. Concept of Mandala
  2. Peace Politics or Upayas
  3. War Tactics or Shadgunyas
  4. Role of Envoys
  5. Role of Spies
  6. Views on National Security
  7. Realism and Kautilya
  8. Glimpses of Arthashastra in India’s Foreign Policy

9 Digha Nikaya-The Idea of Chakravartin

  1. Scope of Dīgha Nikāya
  2. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  3. Initial Phase: Origin of Kingship as Quasi Contractual Arrangement
  4. Theory of ‘Great Elect’ (Mahasammat)
  5. Implications
  6. Psychological Foundations for Political Speculation
  7. Nature of the Great Elect
  8. Second Phase: All Powerful Monarchical State
  9. Theories of Kingship
  10. Traces of Republican States
  11. Notion and Symbols of Sovereignty
  12. Seven Symbols of Sovereignty
  13. Ten Royal Virtues (dasa-rājadhamma)
  14. Elements of Regalia
  15. Buddhist Ideas on the Constituents of the State
  16. Objectives of the State
  17. Possibility of Abuse of Power by the State
  18. Third Phase: The Idea of Cakkavatti and the State as an Instrument of Dhamma
  19. Dhamma and State
  20. The ānā and Dhamma
  21. The Ānā and Attha
  22. State as Ethical Instrument of the Dhamma
  23. The Idea of Cakkavatti
  24. Normative Kingship and the Creation of a Just Social Order
  25. Absence of State Religion
  26. Limitations of Śramanic Idea of Kingship

10 Zia –Ul –Barani- Royal Authority and Just Rule

  1. Early life and Influence
  2. Major Works
  3. The Advocacy and Defence of Historiography as a Field of Knowledge
  4. The Idea of Political Expediency and Realism
  5. Zawabit/State Laws: The Ideal Polity
  6. Theory of Kingship
  7. Idea of Justice and Just Rule
  8. Appointment of Judges
  9. Justice for Hindus and Muslims
  10. Remission of Taxes
  11. Favouring the Elites
  12. Nobility
  13. Bureaucracy
  14. Army
  15. Criticism

11 Abul Fazal- Monarchical Authority and Popular Well being

  1. Early Influence
  2. Impact of his Father’s struggles on his Intellectual Tradition
  3. Influence of Ibn Arabi
  4. Important Works and Style
  5. Association of Akbar and Abul Fazal
  6. Context of Mughal Inheritance and a Search for Unity
  7. Major Approaches to Governance
  8. Abul Fazal’s Methodology
  9. Sovereignty and Social Contract
  10. Secularism of Din-e-Ilahi
  11. Decree of Mazhar
  12. Din-e-Ilahi
  13. Critique of Traditionalists
  14. The Divine Origin of the Badshah/King: Divine Theory of Monarchical Authority
  15. Sovereignty in Badshahat
  16. Just and Unjust Ruler
  17. Supreme Authority of the Just Ruler
  18. Divine Tolerance and Sulh-e-Kul
  19. Akbar as an Ideal King and Spirit of Age
  20. Division of Society: Comparison with Plato
  21. Theory of Justice
  22. Abul Fazal’s Views on Administration and popular well being: Reforms
  23. Departure from Delhi Sultanate
  24. Importance to Talent
  25. Changes in Tax system
  26. Criticism

12 Akka Mahadevi- Critique of Social Order

  1. Birth and Early Age
  2. Guru in the Life of Akka
  3. Marriage and Renunciation
  4. Mahadevi the Saint and Entry in Anubhava Mantapa
  5. Arguments at Anubhava Mantapa
  6. Journey to Sri Sailam
  7. Major Writings: Vachans
  8. Intellectual Inspiration from the Lingayat Tradition and Critique of the Social Order-1
  9. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition
  10. Social Value of the Vachana Tradition
  11. Resistance to Caste and Religious Oppression
  12. Sharana Movement and Anubhava Mantapa as an Argumentative Space
  13. Symbol of Ishtalinga as a Resistance to Brahmanical Oppression
  14. Pillars of Lingayatism
  15. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition on Mahadevi’s Vachanas
  16. Vachanas of the Women Saints as a Form of Social Resistance
  17. Breakdown of Caste Hierarchies
  18. Smashing of Patriarchy
  19. Critique of Monarchy
  20. Nudity and Defiance of Social Order
  21. Feminist Epistemology
  22. Criticism

13 Kabir- Religious Boundaries and the Quest for Social Harmony

  1. Introduction
  2. Religious and Social Harmony in Kabir
  3. Kabir’s Political and Social Ideas
  4. Kabir’s Thoughts on Women