When we study medieval Indian political thought, one question keeps returning: what separates a good ruler from a bad one? For Abul Fazl, the brilliant historian and courtier in the court of Mughal emperor Akbar, this was not an abstract puzzle. It sat at the heart of his entire theory of kingship. In his monumental works, the Akbarnama and its third volume, the Ain-i-Akbari, Abul Fazl built a careful framework that judged rulers not by their birth or conquests, but by how they treated their people. His distinction between the just and the unjust ruler remains one of the most striking contributions to political theory in the subcontinent.

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Who was Abul Fazl and why his ideas matter

Abul Fazl (1551-1602) was one of the Navaratnas, or nine jewels, in Akbar’s court. He was far more than a chronicler. He was a philosopher and political theorist who reimagined what sovereignty meant in sixteenth-century India. His family had suffered persecution at the hands of orthodox clergy, an experience that shaped his lifelong belief in tolerance and reason.

The empire he wrote about was vast and astonishingly diverse, home to Hindus, Muslims, Jains, Christians, and many sects within each faith. Uniting such a population under one authority required a theory of kingship that did not rest on any single religion. Abul Fazl provided exactly that. His ideas gave intellectual shape to Akbar’s policies and offered a vision of rulership that judged kings by their conduct, not their lineage.

The foundation: sovereignty as divine light

To understand the difference between a just and an unjust ruler, we first have to understand Abul Fazl’s idea of sovereignty itself. He described kingship as Farr-i-Izadi, meaning a divine light or divine radiance emanating from God. According to him, royalty was a ray of light sent directly by God to the chosen ruler, with no intermediary standing between God and the king.

This was a deliberate and important shift. Earlier traditions often described the ruler merely as the shadow of God, or Zill-i-Ilahi. Abul Fazl set this aside as inadequate. For him, the sovereign was not a shadow but a genuine recipient of divine light, a possessor of illuminated wisdom. The philosophical roots of this concept trace back to the twelfth-century Persian Sufi philosopher Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, whose Illuminationist philosophy described a hierarchy of light flowing from the Light of Lights.

Here lies the crucial point. Not every ruler who sits on a throne actually possesses this divine light. Anyone can seize power through military conquest or inheritance, but that does not make them a true sovereign. This is precisely why Abul Fazl needed to distinguish between rulers who genuinely carried the divine light and those who merely claimed authority. The distinction between the just and the unjust ruler grows directly out of this idea.

What makes a ruler just

Abul Fazl drew a sharp line between the two types of rulers. He argued that only a just ruler, whom he called kar-giya, possesses the genuine capacity to govern well. In one of his most memorable images, he wrote that a just ruler is able, like a salt-bed, to convert the impure into pure and the bad into good. The salt-bed metaphor is powerful: just as salt transforms whatever it touches, a just ruler transforms the moral and social fabric of the society he governs.

So what are the defining qualities of such a ruler? Several stand out clearly across Abul Fazl’s writings.

Tolerance and fairness toward all

A just ruler treats every subject equally, regardless of their religion, caste, or background. Abul Fazl was emphatic that if a king discriminated on the basis of caste, religion, or class, he could not be considered a good king. This principle of equal benevolence introduced a genuinely secular element into the theory of the state, where people of every faith had an equal claim to the ruler’s care. This was unusual and forward-looking for its era.

Rationality and respect for reason

Rationality was central to Abul Fazl’s ideal king. A true sovereign governs through reason rather than blind tradition or sectarian dogma. The just ruler is expected to understand what Abul Fazl called the spirit of the age, or the need of the hour, and to shape his conduct accordingly. Rather than rewarding people based on primordial identities like religion, the ideal king favours talent and merit. This same logic shaped Akbar’s administrative practices, where officials were ranked by capability rather than dynastic or religious allegiance.

Fatherly love for the subjects

Perhaps the most tender quality in Abul Fazl’s framework is the idea of paternal care. He considered the ruler to be the father of his people, which made it the duty of the people to respect and obey him, but equally made it the king’s duty to protect and nurture them. The running thread through his discussions of kingship is a paternal love for subjects, combined with the priceless jewel of justice and the observance of absolute peace. A just king is a protector and well-wisher, not a distant master.

The unjust ruler: the opposite of every virtue

If the just ruler is defined by tolerance, reason, and paternal care, the unjust ruler is defined by their absence. The unjust ruler discriminates between subjects, rules through whim rather than reason, and serves personal interest instead of public welfare. Such a ruler cannot perform the transformation that the salt-bed image describes. Instead of converting the impure into pure, an unjust ruler allows disorder, division, and suffering to spread.

For Abul Fazl, the unjust ruler does not truly possess the divine light at all. Holding a crown is not the same as being divinely qualified to rule. The legitimacy that comes from divine light does not absolve a ruler of his duties; it imposes them. A king who fails in fairness, reason, and care has, in effect, forfeited the moral basis of his sovereignty even if he retains the physical throne.

A notable gap in the theory

It is worth being honest about a limitation here. While Abul Fazl described what an unjust ruler looks like, the Ain-i-Akbari offered no mechanism for the people to remove a king who became tyrannical or cruel. There was no right of rebellion or replacement built into the system. The theory relied on the hope that a true sovereign, blessed with divine guidance, would honour his obligations. This is a real weakness, and it is one reason scholars note that his theory was not as fully developed as the later social contract theories of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau.

Justice, the social contract, and Sulh-i-Kul

Abul Fazl’s concept of justice connected to a broader idea of the state as a kind of agreement. In the Ain-i-Akbari, he grounded sovereignty in a social contract rather than in religious law. Under this arrangement, the king protected the life, property, honour, and faith of his subjects, and in return the subjects offered obedience and a share of resources. Crucially, he held that only a just sovereign could honour this contract with power and divine guidance.

This is where the just ruler and the welfare of the people meet. Justice was not merely a personal virtue of the king; it was the very condition that made the contract between ruler and ruled meaningful. An unjust ruler, by breaking faith with his subjects, breaks the contract that justifies his authority.

Universal peace as the goal of just rule

The practical expression of just rulership was the policy of Sulh-i-Kul, meaning universal peace or absolute peace. This doctrine held that the agent of God could not discriminate among the different faiths present in society. Under Sulh-i-Kul, all religions and sects enjoyed freedom of expression, on the condition that they neither harmed the monarchy nor fought among themselves. It was through this spirit of universal peace that Akbar’s government integrated diverse cultural groups into a stable administrative system.

Sulh-i-Kul shows us what a just ruler actually does in practice. By refusing to privilege one faith over another, the just ruler creates the conditions for social harmony and stability. The product of just rule is a society where difference does not become conflict, and where the state stands above sectarian division.

Why this distinction still resonates

Abul Fazl’s framework matters because it shifts the basis of legitimacy. A ruler is not legitimate simply because of conquest, inheritance, or religious sanction. Legitimacy depends on conduct: on whether the ruler is fair, rational, tolerant, and caring toward all subjects. This was a remarkably modern idea for the sixteenth century, and it anticipated later debates about accountable and inclusive governance.

His emphasis on merit over religious identity, on reason over dogma, and on the equal treatment of a diverse population speaks directly to questions a pluralistic society still wrestles with today. The just ruler, in his vision, is one who transforms society for the better and binds its many communities together, while the unjust ruler is one who allows division and decay. Strip away the language of divine light, and the underlying message is timeless: power carries responsibility, and the measure of a leader is the welfare of the governed.

What do you think? If legitimacy depends on a ruler’s justice and care rather than on conquest or inheritance, how should a society respond when a leader fails to live up to those standards but no formal mechanism exists to replace them? And in a diverse country, can the principle of Sulh-i-Kul, treating every community with equal fairness, serve as a useful guide for governance even now?

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References
  1. https://egyankosh.ac.in/bitstream/123456789/84771/1/Unit-11.pdf
  2. https://lotusarise.com/abul-fazls-concept-of-monarchy/
  3. https://prepp.in/question/the-idea-of-farr-i-izadi-on-which-the-mughal-kings-6448f5d1128ecdff9f523d96
  4. https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/ba-honours-political-science/abul-fazl-monarchy/94596220
  5. https://www.vaia.com/en-us/explanations/history/the-mughal-empire/sulh-i-kul/

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Indian Political Thought-l

1 Brahmanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Basic Concepts
  3. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  4. Limitations of Brāhmanic
  5. Reactions Towards Brāhmanic

2 Sramanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Reactions against Brāhmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Political Thought in Śramanic Scriptures
  5. Limitations of Śramanic
  6. Reactions towards Śramanic Tradition

3 Islamic

  1. Methodological Issues
  2. Comparison with Brahmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Initial Period of Delhi Sultanate: Ziauddin Barani
  5. The Mughal Period and Abul Fazal
  6. The Colonial Period and Pan-Islamism of Mohammad Iqbal
  7. Limitations of Islamic Tradition
  8. Reactions towards Islamic Tradition

4 Bhakti

  1. Reaction towards Evils in the Hindu Society
  2. Challenge from Other Religions
  3. Influence of Sufism
  4. Enriched Diversity of Bhakti Tradition
  5. Evolution of Socio-Political Ideas and Polity
  6. Means of Reforms: Bhakti, Service, Critique, and Resistance
  7. Limitations of Bhakti Tradition
  8. Impact of Bhakti Tradition

5 Ved Vyasa Rajdharma (Shantiparva)

  1. Vyas and Mahabharata
  2. Origin of State
  3. Kinship
  4. Government
  5. Justice and Dandaneeti
  6. Inter-State Relations

6 Manu Social Order and Laws

  1. Sources of Law
  2. Rajdharma: The Duties of the King
  3. Social Laws: Marriage
  4. Social Laws: Women
  5. Social Laws: Mixed Castes
  6. Criticism

7 Kautilya State and Duties of Kingship

  1. Kautilya: His Work and His Times
  2. Kautilya’s Views on State
  3. Swami or the King
  4. Amatya or the Minister
  5. Janapada or the People
  6. Durga or the Fort
  7. Kosha or Treasury
  8. Danda or Sena
  9. Mitra or Ally
  10. Comparisons with Western Political Thinkers

8 Kautilya Mandala Theory

  1. Concept of Mandala
  2. Peace Politics or Upayas
  3. War Tactics or Shadgunyas
  4. Role of Envoys
  5. Role of Spies
  6. Views on National Security
  7. Realism and Kautilya
  8. Glimpses of Arthashastra in India’s Foreign Policy

9 Digha Nikaya-The Idea of Chakravartin

  1. Scope of Dīgha Nikāya
  2. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  3. Initial Phase: Origin of Kingship as Quasi Contractual Arrangement
  4. Theory of ‘Great Elect’ (Mahasammat)
  5. Implications
  6. Psychological Foundations for Political Speculation
  7. Nature of the Great Elect
  8. Second Phase: All Powerful Monarchical State
  9. Theories of Kingship
  10. Traces of Republican States
  11. Notion and Symbols of Sovereignty
  12. Seven Symbols of Sovereignty
  13. Ten Royal Virtues (dasa-rājadhamma)
  14. Elements of Regalia
  15. Buddhist Ideas on the Constituents of the State
  16. Objectives of the State
  17. Possibility of Abuse of Power by the State
  18. Third Phase: The Idea of Cakkavatti and the State as an Instrument of Dhamma
  19. Dhamma and State
  20. The ānā and Dhamma
  21. The Ānā and Attha
  22. State as Ethical Instrument of the Dhamma
  23. The Idea of Cakkavatti
  24. Normative Kingship and the Creation of a Just Social Order
  25. Absence of State Religion
  26. Limitations of Śramanic Idea of Kingship

10 Zia –Ul –Barani- Royal Authority and Just Rule

  1. Early life and Influence
  2. Major Works
  3. The Advocacy and Defence of Historiography as a Field of Knowledge
  4. The Idea of Political Expediency and Realism
  5. Zawabit/State Laws: The Ideal Polity
  6. Theory of Kingship
  7. Idea of Justice and Just Rule
  8. Appointment of Judges
  9. Justice for Hindus and Muslims
  10. Remission of Taxes
  11. Favouring the Elites
  12. Nobility
  13. Bureaucracy
  14. Army
  15. Criticism

11 Abul Fazal- Monarchical Authority and Popular Well being

  1. Early Influence
  2. Impact of his Father’s struggles on his Intellectual Tradition
  3. Influence of Ibn Arabi
  4. Important Works and Style
  5. Association of Akbar and Abul Fazal
  6. Context of Mughal Inheritance and a Search for Unity
  7. Major Approaches to Governance
  8. Abul Fazal’s Methodology
  9. Sovereignty and Social Contract
  10. Secularism of Din-e-Ilahi
  11. Decree of Mazhar
  12. Din-e-Ilahi
  13. Critique of Traditionalists
  14. The Divine Origin of the Badshah/King: Divine Theory of Monarchical Authority
  15. Sovereignty in Badshahat
  16. Just and Unjust Ruler
  17. Supreme Authority of the Just Ruler
  18. Divine Tolerance and Sulh-e-Kul
  19. Akbar as an Ideal King and Spirit of Age
  20. Division of Society: Comparison with Plato
  21. Theory of Justice
  22. Abul Fazal’s Views on Administration and popular well being: Reforms
  23. Departure from Delhi Sultanate
  24. Importance to Talent
  25. Changes in Tax system
  26. Criticism

12 Akka Mahadevi- Critique of Social Order

  1. Birth and Early Age
  2. Guru in the Life of Akka
  3. Marriage and Renunciation
  4. Mahadevi the Saint and Entry in Anubhava Mantapa
  5. Arguments at Anubhava Mantapa
  6. Journey to Sri Sailam
  7. Major Writings: Vachans
  8. Intellectual Inspiration from the Lingayat Tradition and Critique of the Social Order-1
  9. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition
  10. Social Value of the Vachana Tradition
  11. Resistance to Caste and Religious Oppression
  12. Sharana Movement and Anubhava Mantapa as an Argumentative Space
  13. Symbol of Ishtalinga as a Resistance to Brahmanical Oppression
  14. Pillars of Lingayatism
  15. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition on Mahadevi’s Vachanas
  16. Vachanas of the Women Saints as a Form of Social Resistance
  17. Breakdown of Caste Hierarchies
  18. Smashing of Patriarchy
  19. Critique of Monarchy
  20. Nudity and Defiance of Social Order
  21. Feminist Epistemology
  22. Criticism

13 Kabir- Religious Boundaries and the Quest for Social Harmony

  1. Introduction
  2. Religious and Social Harmony in Kabir
  3. Kabir’s Political and Social Ideas
  4. Kabir’s Thoughts on Women