When Abul Fazal sat down to write the Ain-i-Akbari, he was not merely recording the achievements of Emperor Akbar. He was building a complete philosophy of power. At the centre of this philosophy stood a single, towering idea: that the Badshah held his throne not by accident of birth or by force of arms alone, but by a divine sanction that placed him above ordinary mortals. This was the doctrine of sovereignty in Badshahat, and it would go on to shape how the Mughal Empire understood authority, justice, and the relationship between a ruler and his people. Understanding this concept opens a window into one of the most sophisticated theories of kingship produced in medieval political thought.

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Who was Abul Fazal and why his ideas mattered

Abul Fazal (1551-1602) was a historian, philosopher, and the chief secretary and confidant of Emperor Akbar. He was also one of the celebrated Navaratnas, the nine jewels of Akbar’s court. His most important political ideas are found in the Akbarnama and its final volume, the Ain-i-Akbari, which together form a detailed account of Akbar’s reign and administration.

Abul Fazal lived during one of the most religiously and culturally diverse periods in Indian history. Akbar ruled over Hindus, Muslims, Jains, and many other communities, and the older theories of kingship rooted in religious orthodoxy could not easily justify rule over such a varied population. Abul Fazal’s genius lay in crafting a theory of authority that was grand enough to command obedience yet flexible enough to rise above any single faith. As the state ideology of the Mughals was articulated by him, his writings became the intellectual foundation of imperial power.

What does Badshahat actually mean?

To understand sovereignty in Badshahat, we first need to unpack the word itself. According to Abul Fazal, the term Padshahat (or Badshahat) meant “an established owner.” He broke it into two parts: Pad, signifying stability, and shah, signifying owner or lord. Put together, Padshah therefore means a powerful, established owner who cannot be eliminated by anyone.

This definition is doing a lot of quiet work. By describing the Badshah as a permanent, established figure, Abul Fazal positioned the king as the unshakeable centre of the entire political order. In the Mughal Empire, the Badshah occupied the highest place and was the ultimate authority on all social, economic, political, and judicial matters. This was not a ruler who shared power with nobles or clergy. He was the source of order itself.

Sovereignty as a divine light

The most striking part of Abul Fazal’s theory is the claim that sovereignty is, in its very nature, a divine light. He used the Persian term farr-i izadi, which translates roughly to “divine light” or “divine grace.” According to Abul Fazal, “Badshahat is the light derived from God which has been sent by God himself.” The king, in this view, works as the agent of God on earth.

This idea had deep historical roots. The concept of farr-i izadi was not entirely new to the Persian world; it drew on the pre-Islamic Iranian idea of khvarenah, a Zoroastrian notion of divine glory or fortune associated with kings. The Mughals, with their Central Asian and Persian heritage, absorbed and reshaped these traditions. In fact, Abul Fazal’s theory of Badshahat was a deliberate blend of Mongol, Turkish, Iranian, Islamic, and Indian political ideas.

More than a shadow of God

Here Abul Fazal made a subtle but powerful move. Earlier traditions had described the king as zill-i ilahi, the “shadow of God.” Abul Fazal found this inadequate. By calling sovereignty a divine light rather than a mere shadow, he elevated the king to something far closer to the source of that light. The ruler was deemed to be divinely appointed, divinely guided, and divinely protected, not the product of any particular religion but holding authority directly from God.

The practical consequence was enormous. Because the divine light passed directly from God to the king, no priest, theologian, or religious authority could stand between God and the ruler. The king did not need the blessing of the clergy to be legitimate. This single idea quietly removed the religious establishment from its position as the gatekeeper of political authority.

A contract underneath the divine claim

It would be a mistake to think Abul Fazal’s theory was purely about divine right. Running alongside the idea of divine light was a second strand: a kind of social contract. In the Ain-i-Akbari, Abul Fazal sketched a picture of society before the state existed, a condition marked by desire, anger, and constant conflict, somewhat like the “state of nature” later described by European thinkers. Kingship, he argued, arose as a disciplinary institution holding the monopoly of force to end this anarchy.

The contract worked like this. The Badshah agreed to protect the four essences of his subjects: life (jaan), property (maal), honour (namus), and faith (din). In return, subjects owed the king obedience and a portion of their resources in the form of taxes. Abul Fazal himself stressed that only a just sovereign could honour this contract, combining worldly power with divine guidance.

This made his idea of sovereignty unusual. It was semi-contractual and semi-divine at the same time. The king’s duty to protect his people gave the theory a practical, almost reciprocal flavour, while the divine light gave him an authority that no subject could challenge. The two ideas reinforced rather than contradicted each other.

The just ruler and the unjust ruler

For all his emphasis on the king’s supreme authority, Abul Fazal did not hand rulers a blank cheque. The divine light did not free the king from duty; it bound him to it. Abul Fazal drew a sharp line between the just ruler and the unjust ruler, and this distinction is central to his entire theory.

A just ruler was one who governed with wisdom, generosity, and fairness toward all subjects regardless of their background. Abul Fazal believed that possession of the divine light naturally produced certain qualities in the king: a large and benevolent heart, trust in God, and the capacity to remain calm in adversity while punishing tyranny. The king who carried farr-i izadi had a heart free from conflict and the vision to see truth and act justly.

The unjust ruler was the opposite. Abul Fazal considered the Badshah the father of his people, and the father’s love is impartial. So if a Badshah discriminated on the basis of caste, religion, or class, he could not be considered a good king. In effect, the moral test of legitimacy was whether the ruler treated all his subjects as his children. Justice, not mere power, was the true mark of a sovereign blessed with divine light.

The king as a caring father

The image of the king as a father runs throughout Abul Fazal’s writing. He repeatedly described subjects as being entrusted to the king by God, and reached for metaphors of the shepherd, the gardener, and the physician to describe the ruler’s role. Each of these images carries the same meaning: the ruler exists to nurture, protect, and heal those in his care, not simply to dominate them.

This paternal vision had real policy implications. Abul Fazal appealed to the Badshah to ensure stability, good governance, economic prosperity, and peace, much as Akbar was attempting to do across his empire. The genuine right to rule, in this framework, rested less on bloodline and more on a ruler’s spiritual and moral qualification, demonstrated through the welfare he brought to his people.

Supreme authority, including in religion

One of the boldest implications of Abul Fazal’s theory concerned the king’s power over religious matters. During the Delhi Sultanate, the sultan had been the final authority in governance and administration, but he had no decisive say in matters of religion, which remained the preserve of theologians and jurists.

Abul Fazal’s theory changed this. In 1579, through a document known as the Mazhar (often called the “Infallibility Decree”), Akbar gained substantial authority to interpret religious law in cases of dispute among Islamic jurists. Because the king received his light directly from God and acted as God’s agent, the logic followed that he could not be wrong, and therefore his subjects must follow his orders even in religious questions. This was a remarkable expansion of royal authority into a domain that had long been off-limits to temporal rulers.

Tolerance through Sulh-i-Kul

This supreme authority might sound like a recipe for tyranny, but Abul Fazal paired it with a principle of tolerance. The Arabic term Sulh-i-Kul translates to “universal peace” or “peace with all,” and it drew on Sufi mystical thought. Abul Fazal believed that Sulh-i-Kul was the foundation of enlightened governance.

The principle worked from the king’s divine status. Since the Badshah was the agent of God and not the product of any one religion, he could not favour one faith over another or practise discrimination among them. Under Sulh-i-Kul, all religions and schools of thought enjoyed freedom of expression, on one condition: they must neither harm the monarchy nor fight among themselves. Akbar gave this principle concrete form by abolishing the pilgrimage tax in 1563 and the jizya on non-Muslims in 1564.

This is where the full design of Abul Fazal’s theory becomes clear. By rooting sovereignty in a divine light that transcended every particular religion, he gave the king both the authority to rule over a diverse population and the duty to treat that population with even-handed justice. Divine sovereignty and religious tolerance were two sides of the same coin.

Why this theory still matters

Abul Fazal’s concept of sovereignty in Badshahat was a turning point in Indian political thought. He took the raw fact of imperial power and gave it a philosophical foundation that combined absolute authority with moral responsibility. The king was supreme, yet bound by justice; divinely sanctioned, yet answerable to the welfare of his people; the head of all religious disputes, yet committed to tolerating every faith.

His ideas were not without critics. Many orthodox scholars accused him of abandoning Islamic tradition, and some branded him a rebel or a non-believer for refusing to treat any single religion as supreme. Yet the very controversy points to how radical his vision was for its time. By separating the legitimacy of the ruler from the authority of the clergy, Abul Fazal anticipated, in his own medieval idiom, debates about the relationship between state power and religion that remain alive today.

What do you think? If a ruler’s authority is justified by a divine mandate but limited by the duty to be just, who decides when that ruler has crossed the line from just to unjust? And can a theory that grants one person supreme authority over religion ever truly guarantee tolerance for all faiths?

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References
  1. https://lotusarise.com/abul-fazls-concept-of-monarchy/
  2. https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
  3. https://prepp.in/question/the-idea-of-farr-i-izadi-on-which-the-mughal-kings-6448f5d1128ecdff9f523d96
  4. https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/indian-political-thought-i/abul-fazl-a-short-note/15319333
  5. https://unacademy.com/content/upsc/study-material/ncert-notes/mughal-kingship-and-their-authors/
  6. https://banotes.org/history-writing-india/sovereignty-divine-light-mughal-authority-abul-fazl/
  7. https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/ba-hons-history/abul-fazl-summary-ba-hons-history/92997246

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Indian Political Thought-l

1 Brahmanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Basic Concepts
  3. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  4. Limitations of Brāhmanic
  5. Reactions Towards Brāhmanic

2 Sramanic

  1. Methodological Problems
  2. Reactions against Brāhmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Political Thought in Śramanic Scriptures
  5. Limitations of Śramanic
  6. Reactions towards Śramanic Tradition

3 Islamic

  1. Methodological Issues
  2. Comparison with Brahmanic Tradition
  3. Basic Concepts
  4. Initial Period of Delhi Sultanate: Ziauddin Barani
  5. The Mughal Period and Abul Fazal
  6. The Colonial Period and Pan-Islamism of Mohammad Iqbal
  7. Limitations of Islamic Tradition
  8. Reactions towards Islamic Tradition

4 Bhakti

  1. Reaction towards Evils in the Hindu Society
  2. Challenge from Other Religions
  3. Influence of Sufism
  4. Enriched Diversity of Bhakti Tradition
  5. Evolution of Socio-Political Ideas and Polity
  6. Means of Reforms: Bhakti, Service, Critique, and Resistance
  7. Limitations of Bhakti Tradition
  8. Impact of Bhakti Tradition

5 Ved Vyasa Rajdharma (Shantiparva)

  1. Vyas and Mahabharata
  2. Origin of State
  3. Kinship
  4. Government
  5. Justice and Dandaneeti
  6. Inter-State Relations

6 Manu Social Order and Laws

  1. Sources of Law
  2. Rajdharma: The Duties of the King
  3. Social Laws: Marriage
  4. Social Laws: Women
  5. Social Laws: Mixed Castes
  6. Criticism

7 Kautilya State and Duties of Kingship

  1. Kautilya: His Work and His Times
  2. Kautilya’s Views on State
  3. Swami or the King
  4. Amatya or the Minister
  5. Janapada or the People
  6. Durga or the Fort
  7. Kosha or Treasury
  8. Danda or Sena
  9. Mitra or Ally
  10. Comparisons with Western Political Thinkers

8 Kautilya Mandala Theory

  1. Concept of Mandala
  2. Peace Politics or Upayas
  3. War Tactics or Shadgunyas
  4. Role of Envoys
  5. Role of Spies
  6. Views on National Security
  7. Realism and Kautilya
  8. Glimpses of Arthashastra in India’s Foreign Policy

9 Digha Nikaya-The Idea of Chakravartin

  1. Scope of Dīgha Nikāya
  2. Evolution of Political Ideas and Polity
  3. Initial Phase: Origin of Kingship as Quasi Contractual Arrangement
  4. Theory of ‘Great Elect’ (Mahasammat)
  5. Implications
  6. Psychological Foundations for Political Speculation
  7. Nature of the Great Elect
  8. Second Phase: All Powerful Monarchical State
  9. Theories of Kingship
  10. Traces of Republican States
  11. Notion and Symbols of Sovereignty
  12. Seven Symbols of Sovereignty
  13. Ten Royal Virtues (dasa-rājadhamma)
  14. Elements of Regalia
  15. Buddhist Ideas on the Constituents of the State
  16. Objectives of the State
  17. Possibility of Abuse of Power by the State
  18. Third Phase: The Idea of Cakkavatti and the State as an Instrument of Dhamma
  19. Dhamma and State
  20. The ānā and Dhamma
  21. The Ānā and Attha
  22. State as Ethical Instrument of the Dhamma
  23. The Idea of Cakkavatti
  24. Normative Kingship and the Creation of a Just Social Order
  25. Absence of State Religion
  26. Limitations of Śramanic Idea of Kingship

10 Zia –Ul –Barani- Royal Authority and Just Rule

  1. Early life and Influence
  2. Major Works
  3. The Advocacy and Defence of Historiography as a Field of Knowledge
  4. The Idea of Political Expediency and Realism
  5. Zawabit/State Laws: The Ideal Polity
  6. Theory of Kingship
  7. Idea of Justice and Just Rule
  8. Appointment of Judges
  9. Justice for Hindus and Muslims
  10. Remission of Taxes
  11. Favouring the Elites
  12. Nobility
  13. Bureaucracy
  14. Army
  15. Criticism

11 Abul Fazal- Monarchical Authority and Popular Well being

  1. Early Influence
  2. Impact of his Father’s struggles on his Intellectual Tradition
  3. Influence of Ibn Arabi
  4. Important Works and Style
  5. Association of Akbar and Abul Fazal
  6. Context of Mughal Inheritance and a Search for Unity
  7. Major Approaches to Governance
  8. Abul Fazal’s Methodology
  9. Sovereignty and Social Contract
  10. Secularism of Din-e-Ilahi
  11. Decree of Mazhar
  12. Din-e-Ilahi
  13. Critique of Traditionalists
  14. The Divine Origin of the Badshah/King: Divine Theory of Monarchical Authority
  15. Sovereignty in Badshahat
  16. Just and Unjust Ruler
  17. Supreme Authority of the Just Ruler
  18. Divine Tolerance and Sulh-e-Kul
  19. Akbar as an Ideal King and Spirit of Age
  20. Division of Society: Comparison with Plato
  21. Theory of Justice
  22. Abul Fazal’s Views on Administration and popular well being: Reforms
  23. Departure from Delhi Sultanate
  24. Importance to Talent
  25. Changes in Tax system
  26. Criticism

12 Akka Mahadevi- Critique of Social Order

  1. Birth and Early Age
  2. Guru in the Life of Akka
  3. Marriage and Renunciation
  4. Mahadevi the Saint and Entry in Anubhava Mantapa
  5. Arguments at Anubhava Mantapa
  6. Journey to Sri Sailam
  7. Major Writings: Vachans
  8. Intellectual Inspiration from the Lingayat Tradition and Critique of the Social Order-1
  9. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition
  10. Social Value of the Vachana Tradition
  11. Resistance to Caste and Religious Oppression
  12. Sharana Movement and Anubhava Mantapa as an Argumentative Space
  13. Symbol of Ishtalinga as a Resistance to Brahmanical Oppression
  14. Pillars of Lingayatism
  15. Impact of the Lingayat Tradition on Mahadevi’s Vachanas
  16. Vachanas of the Women Saints as a Form of Social Resistance
  17. Breakdown of Caste Hierarchies
  18. Smashing of Patriarchy
  19. Critique of Monarchy
  20. Nudity and Defiance of Social Order
  21. Feminist Epistemology
  22. Criticism

13 Kabir- Religious Boundaries and the Quest for Social Harmony

  1. Introduction
  2. Religious and Social Harmony in Kabir
  3. Kabir’s Political and Social Ideas
  4. Kabir’s Thoughts on Women