The idea that all Muslims belong to a single community-the Umma-is one of the oldest and most powerful concepts in Islamic political thought. Drawn from the Quranic vision of believers as one body transcending borders, language, and ethnicity, it has inspired scholars, reformers, and statesmen for over a century. Yet turning this spiritual ideal into political reality has proven extraordinarily difficult. The story of Muslim unity is a story of grand aspirations colliding with the hard realities of nationalism, sectarianism, and competing national interests. Understanding this tension is essential for anyone studying how religion, identity, and power interact in international relations.

Table of Contents

The ideal of the Umma in Islamic thought

The Umma is the religious community of all Muslims, bound together not by race or nationality but by shared faith. The concept rests on the principles of Tawhid (the oneness of God) and Wahdah (the unity of the community), with believers instructed to “hold fast to the rope of Allah altogether.” This vision treats the political fragmentation of Muslims into separate states as a deviation from the original Islamic model and a sign of weakness.

This idea moved from theology to active politics in the late nineteenth century, when it took shape as a movement known as Pan-Islamism. Pan-Islamism advocates the unity of Muslims under one Islamic state-often a caliphate-or under an international body governed by Islamic principles. What distinguishes it from movements like Pan-Arabism is its focus: the Umma as a whole becomes the object of loyalty, deliberately setting aside ethnicity and race as primary unifying factors.

The reformers who shaped the movement

The intellectual energy behind Pan-Islamism came largely from a trio of thinkers responding to European colonial expansion into Muslim lands. Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, and Rashid Rida were the major leaders of the movement, active in anti-colonial efforts and convinced that Islamic unity was the strongest available force to mobilize Muslims against imperial domination.

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (sometimes rendered as Djaillal-edin-Afghani) argued that unity was the key to both resisting colonial domination and achieving genuine progress. He urged Muslims to look past national and ethnic divisions for the collective good of the Umma. Muhammad Abduh, the Egyptian scholar and jurist who followed him, pushed for a reformation of Islamic thought, insisting that a cohesive and modernized community could better confront the challenges of the modern era. Their work formed the foundation of Islamic modernism, which sought to reconcile Islamic values with modernity rather than reject the modern world outright.

The Caliphate as a symbol of unity

For most of Islamic history, the institution that gave political form to the Umma was the Caliphate. Established after the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the office of Caliph served as a unifying figurehead, binding much of the Muslim world under a single spiritual and temporal authority. By the early modern period, the Ottoman sultans had laid claim to the title, and the Ottoman Empire functioned as the most visible symbol of Muslim power and cohesion.

The Caliphate’s importance was as much symbolic as practical. Even when real political control was fragmented across regions, the office represented an ideal of continuity stretching back to the founding of the faith. This is why its sudden disappearance in the twentieth century sent such a profound shock through Muslim societies worldwide.

The abolition of the Caliphate and the rise of secularism

The turning point came in Turkey. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, a new leadership under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk set out to build a modern, secular nation-state from the empire’s ashes. On 3 March 1924, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey formally abolished the Caliphate and dismantled the religious schools at the same time. The last Caliph, Abdülmecid II, was deposed and sent into exile.

This was no isolated act. It was part of a sweeping program known as Kemalism, built on the twin pillars of Turkish nationalism and secularism. Nationalism meant a state built specifically for Turks, in contrast to the multiethnic Ottoman model, while secularism meant that Islam would have no significant public role in the new republic. In the years that followed, Sharia courts were abolished, religious schools closed, the fez was outlawed, the Latin alphabet replaced Arabic script, and the Swiss civil code was adopted wholesale.

Why 1924 mattered so much

The consequences reached far beyond Turkey’s borders. For the first time in Islamic history, no ruler claimed the spiritual leadership of all Muslims. The abolition severed the symbolic and political unity of the Umma, replacing the caliphate with a secular republic and prioritising national identity over pan-Islamic solidarity.

The event triggered serious attempts to fill the vacuum. At least thirteen different candidates were proposed for the caliphate in the years that followed, but none could win a consensus across the Islamic world. This failure was deeply revealing. It showed that the spiritual ideal of unity could not easily survive the political reality of newly emerging nation-states, each guarding its own sovereignty. The episode in India known as the Khilafat Movement, in which Indian Muslims mobilized to defend the Ottoman Caliph, also lost its central purpose once the office itself was gone.

The obstacles to a unified Muslim front

The disappearance of the Caliphate exposed deeper structural barriers to unity that persist today. The Muslim world is vast and varied, and several forces consistently pull against the ideal of a single political bloc.

Nationalism and the nation-state

The spread of the nation-state model across the Muslim world after decolonization created loyalties that compete directly with loyalty to the Umma. Each state developed its own national interests, security concerns, and political priorities. Movements like Arab nationalism, which peaked in the 1950s and 1960s, offered an alternative basis for solidarity rooted in ethnicity and language rather than religion-and sometimes worked against pan-Islamic goals rather than with them.

The Sunni-Shia divide and sectarian rivalry

The oldest division within Islam, between Sunni and Shia Muslims, has frequently been a major obstacle. It is important to understand this divide accurately: while theology matters, modern conflicts labelled “Sunni versus Shia” are often about power, influence, territory, and national interest, with political leaders using sectarian identity to mobilize support. The rivalry between Sunni-majority Saudi Arabia and Shia-majority Iran is the clearest example. Two countries that compete for the leadership of Islam have used the sectarian divide to advance their own ambitions, fuelling conflicts in places such as Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon. What looks like a religious schism is frequently a geopolitical contest dressed in sectarian language.

Geopolitical and cultural diversity

The Muslim world stretches across Asia, Africa, and beyond, encompassing radically different cultures, languages, political systems, and economic conditions. A monarchy in the Gulf, a secular republic in North Africa, and a populous democracy in South Asia have little in common beyond faith. These differences in governance systems and regional interests repeatedly hinder consensus-building among Muslim-majority states.

Institutional achievements: the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation

Despite these obstacles, the quest for unity has produced real institutional achievements. The most significant is the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Founded in 1969, the OIC brings together 57 member states across several continents to promote unity, cooperation, and development among Muslim-majority countries, making it the world’s second-largest intergovernmental organization after the United Nations.

Notably, the OIC was born not from abstract idealism but from a specific crisis. It was established in response to the 1969 arson attack on the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, an event that galvanized Muslim governments into collective action. Since then, the OIC has served as a collective diplomatic voice-advocating for Palestinian statehood, working to protect the rights of Muslim minorities in non-member states, countering Islamophobia, and promoting economic and cultural cooperation among its members. For students of international relations, it represents a fascinating case of an intergovernmental body built around a shared religious identity rather than a region or an economic agenda.

The limits of institutional unity

Yet the OIC also illustrates the persistent gap between aspiration and effectiveness. The same divisions that frustrate broader unity operate inside the organization. Analysts note that differences in political ideology, governance systems, and regional interests hinder unity, while sectarian tensions and historical grievances deepen internal divisions. The OIC’s resolutions are often non-binding, and its decision-making depends on consensus that competing national interests can easily block. The organization that exists to embody Muslim solidarity is itself frequently paralyzed by the absence of it.

Unity as an enduring ideal

What emerges from this history is a persistent tension rather than a settled outcome. The Umma remains a genuine source of shared identity and emotional solidarity, where the suffering of Muslims in one region is felt across the wider community. The notion of Islamic brotherhood, or ukhuwwah, continues to shape political rhetoric and humanitarian mobilization. At the same time, the sovereign nation-state remains the basic building block of the modern international order, and no serious movement to restore a single political authority over all Muslims has succeeded.

The result is a kind of layered reality. Muslim unity thrives most clearly at the level of culture, sentiment, and limited cooperation through bodies like the OIC, while political unification in any meaningful sense remains elusive. The ideal first articulated by Afghani and Abduh has not disappeared-it has adapted, surviving as a moral aspiration and a basis for cooperation even as the dream of a unified political bloc has receded. This ongoing negotiation between the ideal of the Umma and the reality of fragmented sovereignty continues to shape the political dynamics of the Muslim world today.

What do you think? Is the ideal of a politically unified Umma fundamentally incompatible with the modern system of sovereign nation-states, or could deeper cooperation through institutions like the OIC eventually bridge that gap? And when conflicts are framed as “Sunni versus Shia,” how much do you think is genuinely about religion, and how much is really about power and geopolitics?

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References
  1. https://www.sloughislamictrust.org.uk/dictionary/meaning/pan-islamic-political-thought/
  2. https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/34626
  3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pan-Islamism
  4. https://www.numberanalytics.com/blog/understanding-pan-islamism-unity-and-diversity
  5. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kemal-Ataturk/The-Turkish-republic
  6. https://tcf.org/content/report/turkeys-troubled-experiment-secularism/
  7. https://5pillarsuk.com/2025/03/03/great-disasters-in-islamic-history-the-abolition-of-the-khilafah/
  8. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abolition_of_the_Caliphate
  9. https://religionunplugged.com/news/2026/3/4/islam-sunni-shia-the-difference-and-why-it-matters-irani
  10. https://www.cfr.org/photo-essay/sunni-shia-divide
  11. https://www.academicblock.com/world-affairs/global-institutions/organization-of-islamic-cooperation
  12. https://www.ilmkidunya.com/world/oic
  13. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/386290377_THE_EFFECTIVENESS_OF_THE_ORGANISATION_OF_ISLAMIC_COOPERATION_OIC_IN_PROMOTING_COOPERATION_AMONG_MUSLIM-MAJORITY_COUNTRIES_AND_INFLUENCING_GLOBAL_DIPLOMATIC_INITIATIVES

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International Relations – Theory and Problems

1 Realist and Neo-Realist Approaches

  1. What is Realism?
  2. One Realism or Many?
  3. Classical Realism
  4. Contemporary Realism or Neo-realism
  5. National Interest
  6. National Power
  7. National Security
  8. Theory of Conflict
  9. Theory of Balance of Power
  10. Theory of Deterrence

2 Liberal and Neo-Liberal Approaches

  1. Liberal Approach to the Study of International Relations
  2. Underlying Assumptions of the Liberal Approach
  3. Neo-liberal Approach to the Study of International Relations
  4. Concept of World Order
  5. Concept of Globalism
  6. Search for Liberal-institutional Mechanisms
  7. Core Assumptions of Neo-liberal Institutionalism
  8. Functionalism
  9. Neo-Functionalism
  10. Theory of Communication
  11. Theory of Conflict Resolution

3 Marxist and Other Radical Approaches

  1. Marxist Approach to the Study of International Relations
  2. Core Elements of Marxist Approach
  3. Theory of Imperialism
  4. Theory of Colonialism
  5. Theory of Neo-colonialism
  6. Nkrumah’s Thesis on Neo-colonialism
  7. Theory of Hegemony

4 Neo-Radical Approaches

  1. Theory of Underdevelopment
  2. Origin of Underdevelopment Theory
  3. Theory of Centre-Periphery
  4. Andre Gunder Frank on Centre-Periphery
  5. Samir Amin on Centre-Periphery
  6. Immanuel Wallerstein on Centre-Periphery
  7. Theory of Dependencia
  8. Key Arguments of the Theory of Dependencia

5 Post-Structuralist and Post-Modernist Approaches

  1. Post-structuralist or Post-modernist Approach to International Relations
  2. Underlying Key Themes of Post-modernism
  3. Interrogating the Nation-State
  4. Post-colonialism: Culture, Ideology, and Hegemony
  5. Post-colonial Theory in International Relations

6 Feminist Approaches

  1. How Do Feminists Define Power?
  2. Feminist View of the State
  3. Feminist Analysis of Nationalism
  4. Feminism and Human Rights
  5. Feminist Critique of Realism
  6. Feminism, War and Peace
  7. Feminism and the Security Debate
  8. The Relevance of Feminist Critiques in Third World Societies

7 Environmental Approaches

  1. Environmental Approaches
  2. Three Myths of Development Policy
  3. Environment-Development Debate
  4. Paradox of Sustainable Development
  5. The North-South Divide
  6. Globalisation and Sustainability

8 Worldviews from Asia, Africa and Latin America

  1. Perspectives
  2. The Humanists
  3. Nationalist and Trans-Nationalists
  4. Pan Asianism
  5. Africans
  6. The Muslim World
  7. The Arab World
  8. Nasser’s Three Circles
  9. Latin America
  10. The Non-aligned Theory and Practice

9 End of Cold War

  1. Meaning and Nature of Cold War
  2. Origin and Evolution of Cold War
  3. Détente
  4. PTBT and NPT
  5. Process of Normalisation
  6. Helsinki Conference
  7. New Cold War
  8. Reagan and Gorbachev
  9. INF Treaty
  10. Peace Process in West Asia
  11. The Fall of Berlin Wall and Reunification of Germany
  12. Gulf War and East-West Cooperation
  13. Peaceful End of the Cold War

10 Post-Cold War Issues

  1. Features of the Post-Cold War World
  2. Uni-polarity
  3. Challenges to Nation-State
  4. Changing Dimensions of Security
  5. Initiatives for Peace and Development
  6. Efforts for Peace
  7. Activities in Development
  8. Restructuring of the UN

11 Emerging Powers

  1. Middle Powers as Emerging Powers: Some Definitional Issues
  2. Major Approaches to Understanding Middle Powers
  3. Behavioral Approach
  4. Middle Powers in the Era of Cold War
  5. Relocation’ of the Idea of Middle Power and the Emerging Powers
  6. Observations on Some of the Emerging Powers

12 Regional Groupings

  1. Historical Background
  2. Theory
  3. Economic Groupings
  4. Political/Security Groupings
  5. NAFTA
  6. EU
  7. ASEAN
  8. APEC
  9. SAARC
  10. NATO
  11. ARF

13 Globalisation

  1. Towards Definition of Globalisation
  2. Core Characteristics of Globalisation
  3. Perceptions of the Protagonists
  4. Perceptions of the Critics
  5. International Relations Theory and Globalisation
  6. Towards Formulation of IR Theory on “Globalised” State

14 International Inequities

  1. Increasing Gap between the Developed and the Under-developed Nations
  2. Increased Global Interdependence
  3. Neo-Colonial Control of Developed Countries over the Developing Countries
  4. Excessive Exploitation of World Income and Resources by the Developed Countries
  5. Role of Multinational Corporations as Instruments of Control of the Developed over the Developing Countries
  6. Control of the Developed Countries over the Policies of the Developing Countries
  7. The Failure of the Bretton Woods
  8. The Inadequacy of New GATT and WTO
  9. Economic Problems Compounded by Developments in Eastern Europe and Republics of the Erstwhile USSR
  10. Restructuring World Economic Relations
  11. Process of Institutional Changes
  12. Process of Ending the Concept of Protectionism in International Economy and Trade
  13. Conflict Owing to Non-transfer of Capital Resources and Technology
  14. Menace of Multinational Corporations as the Biggest Cause of Divergence
  15. Resentment of Commodity Producers
  16. Divergence of Approach on Total Revision of the Bretton Woods System

15 Elements of International Economic Relations

  1. Why does International Trade Take Place?
  2. Factor Movements: Capital
  3. Factor Movements: Labour
  4. What is Foreign Aid?

16 Management of International Relations

  1. Managing International Problems of Peace and Security
  2. Managing the Problem of Global Disarmament
  3. Managing the Problem of Economic and Social Development
  4. Role of World Bank and International Monetary Fund
  5. Other Global Concerns of the International Institutions

17 India in the New Global Order

  1. The Concept of World Order
  2. The Old Order and its Characteristics
  3. Break-up of the Old World Order
  4. The New World Order
  5. Salient Features of the New World Order: The Hegemon
  6. Unilateralism
  7. Discriminatory Regimes
  8. Marginalisation of the UN
  9. Intensifying of Dependency Relations
  10. Implications for India

18 Right to Self-Determination

  1. Self-determination and Nationalism
  2. External Self-determination and Decolonisation
  3. UN and Self-determination
  4. De-colonisation in Asia and Africa
  5. Racial Equality and Self-determination
  6. Self-determination and Non-colonial Societies
  7. Self-determination and Multi-ethnic Societies: Internal Self-determination
  8. Summary

19 Intervention/ Invasion

  1. Concept of Intervention
  2. Origin of the Concept of Intervention
  3. Types of Intervention
  4. Purpose of Intervention
  5. Motive of Intervention
  6. Nature and Frequency of Foreign Intervention
  7. Interventions since Second World War
  8. Humanitarian Intervention

20 Nuclear Proliferation

  1. Evolution of Non-proliferation Policy
  2. US Monopoly
  3. Atoms for Peace
  4. Safeguards
  5. Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty
  6. Suppliers Group
  7. Nuclear Weapons Explosions
  8. Nuclear Arms Limitation
  9. Nuclear Doctrines
  10. The ABM Treaty
  11. SALT Agreement
  12. INF Treaty
  13. START Agreements
  14. Developing Countries
  15. Denuclearised Zones
  16. India and Pakistan
  17. Nuclear Non-proliferation Today

21 International Terrorism

  1. International Terrorism Defined
  2. Meaning of Terrorism
  3. Cross-Border Terrorism
  4. International Terrorism
  5. Liberals, Conservatives and Realists on Terrorism
  6. Motives and Methods of Terrorism
  7. Terrorist Groups and Organisations
  8. Al Qaeda and Its Network
  9. State-sponsored Terrorism
  10. Global Fight against Terrorism
  11. International Coalition against Terrorism
  12. UN and the Fight against Terrorism

22 Role of Science and Technology in International Relations

  1. Evolution of Modern Science and Technology
  2. Trends in Science and Technology
  3. Impact on International Politics
  4. The Rise of Territorial State and the International System
  5. Science and Technology and International Dependencies
  6. Impact of Science and Technology on Military Affairs
  7. Technological Advances and State Sovereignty

23 Inequality among Nations

  1. Nature and Pattern of Inequality
  2. Defining Inequality and Poverty
  3. Approaches to Measuring Inequality
  4. Inequality and Development: Differing Views
  5. Uneven International Economic System
  6. Power Game in International Politics
  7. Emerging Labour Markets and Skill Differentials
  8. Inequality: Effects and Consequences
  9. Strategy to Reduce Inequality

24 Global corporatism and state Sovereignty

  1. Globalisation and Globalism
  2. Core Characteristics of Global Corporatism
  3. Constituent Corporatist Global Structures
  4. Sovereignty of State
  5. Impact on State Sovereignty
  6. Limited Sovereignty or Enhanced Sovereignty

25 Human Rights and International Trade

  1. Internationalisation of Human Rights
  2. The Growth of World Trade: An Overview
  3. The Role of World Trade Organisation
  4. Transnational Corporation’s Accountability of Human Rights
  5. Rights of Indigenous People
  6. Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
  7. Marginalisation of Poor Countries
  8. Regulating International Trade: Code of Conduct for TNCs

26 Changing Nature of American Power

  1. Emergence of USA as a World Power
  2. Birth of USA as a Superpower
  3. End of the Cold War
  4. Only Superpower of a Unipolar World
  5. Current Status
  6. America in the View of Others
  7. Post-Cold War Challenges

27 China as an Emerging Power

  1. Emergence of People’s Republic of China
  2. Post-Cold War World and Uni-polarity
  3. China’s Military Capability
  4. PLA Modernisation
  5. PLA Structure
  6. China’s Economic Strength
  7. Stability of China

28 Emergence of Central Asian Republics

  1. State Formation in Central Asia
  2. Sub-National Identities
  3. Post-Soviet State Formation in Central Asia
  4. The New Constitutions
  5. Language Issues
  6. Religion and State
  7. Economic Performance and Social Stability

29 Ethnic Resurgence and ‘Identity’ Wars

  1. What is Ethnicity
  2. Modernisation and Ethnic Upsurge and Conflict
  3. Irrational Boundaries: Challenges to State System
  4. Interventionist Role of the Modern State and Loss of Traditional Autonomy
  5. Identity Wars/Conflicts

30 Aboriginal / Indigenous Movements

  1. Who Are the Indigenous Peoples?
  2. Advent of Indigenous Movements
  3. Spread of Indigenous Movements
  4. Major Issues of Indigenous Peoples
  5. Government Responses

31 Displacement of population- Intra-state and interstate

  1. Inter-state Displacement
  2. Non-Refoulement and other Refugee Rights
  3. New Refugee Situations
  4. Refugee Protection: The Current Scenario
  5. Intra-state Displacement
  6. Causes of Internal Displacement
  7. Consequences of Displacement
  8. Limitations of Protection to Intra-State Displacements

32 Transnational Movements- Cultural and Civilization

  1. Meaning of Transnational Movements
  2. Non-State Actors and International Culture
  3. Information and International Culture
  4. Religious Movements
  5. Dawat-i-Islami
  6. Different Types of International Activities
  7. Transnational Communities and Civilisational Movements
  8. Diasporas
  9. Culture and Transnational Movements
  10. International Journalism
  11. International Sports Events
  12. Broadcasting – Role of T.V. and Radio
  13. Tourism

33 Role of NGOa

  1. Background to the Rise of INGOs
  2. Definition and Classification of International Organisations
  3. International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs)
  4. NGOs as Developmental Agencies
  5. NGOs and Social Movements
  6. NGOs, State and Civil Society
  7. Future Perspectives

34 The Concept of Justice in International Relations

  1. Diplomacy as Injustice
  2. Scholarship of Injustice
  3. Globalisation, Human Security and Justice

35 Human Security

  1. Meanings and Dimensions of Human Security
  2. Nation States and Human Security
  3. Human Security in the International System
  4. Achievements and Prospects for Human Security