When two countries cannot agree on where one ends and the other begins, the result is a territorial dispute. These disagreements over land have shaped the politics of South Asia for over seven decades, sparking wars, straining diplomacy, and leaving millions of people living in uncertainty. Understanding what these disputes are, why they happen, and how scholars classify them is the first step toward making sense of conflicts like the one along the India-China frontier or the tense border with Bangladesh. This post breaks down the meaning of territorial disputes and explores the major variants that political scientists use to study them.
Table of Contents
- What is a territorial dispute?
- Why territorial disputes threaten the state
- What causes territorial disputes in South Asia?
- Colonial legacies
- Cold War geopolitics
- Internal and domestic politics
- The three variants of territorial disputes
- Land conflicts
- Positional disputes
- Functional conflicts
- Why these distinctions matter
What is a territorial dispute?
At its simplest, a territorial dispute is a disagreement between two or more states over which one holds sovereignty over a particular piece of land. Sovereignty here means the supreme authority to govern, legislate, and exercise control over a defined area to the exclusion of any other state. When that authority is contested, the stability of the entire region can come under threat.
These disputes are rarely about empty land alone. They often involve access to natural resources like rivers, fertile farmland, and minerals, but they can also be driven by culture, religion, and nationalist sentiment. A river that supplies drinking water or a mountain pass that controls a trade route can become the focus of decades of negotiation and occasional violence.
One of the most common origins of these conflicts is the vague language of old treaties. When a boundary was drawn long ago using imprecise descriptions, later generations are left to argue over what the original agreement actually meant. International law is clear that states must refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity of another state, yet disputes still frequently escalate into diplomatic, economic, and military tensions.
Why territorial disputes threaten the state
A state’s identity is closely tied to its territory. A government that cannot define or defend its borders struggles to appear legitimate, both to its own citizens and to the world. This is why a boundary dispute is never purely a matter of lines on a map. It touches questions of national pride, internal security, and a state’s standing in international relations.
The danger is heightened when borders are not clearly marked on the ground. Boundaries function best when they are visibly demarcated and when neither side contests their location. When both conditions fail, as they do along several South Asian frontiers, tensions tend to recur. Disputes that remain unresolved can simmer for years and then suddenly flare into armed confrontation.
What causes territorial disputes in South Asia?
The roots of most South Asian boundary problems run deep into history. Three broad factors help explain why these conflicts are so persistent: colonial legacies, Cold War geopolitics, and internal politics.
Colonial legacies
The single largest source of boundary trouble in the region is the way colonial powers drew their lines. The British and other European rulers were focused on extracting revenue and securing imperial interests, and they often ignored the social, cultural, linguistic, and religious realities of the communities they were dividing. Many borders separated populations that had long lived together.
The clearest example is the Partition of 1947. The actual lines separating India and Pakistan were drawn by Cyril Radcliffe, a British lawyer who had never visited India, and were finalised only days before independence. These hastily drawn lines cut through fields, industries, and economic zones, sowing the seeds of disputes that continue today. The Jammu and Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan, for instance, traces its origins directly to the nature of the British departure from the subcontinent.
Cold War geopolitics
The decades after independence coincided with the global rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. South Asian states found themselves courted by both blocs, and external powers often had strategic interests in how regional borders were settled. Alliances, arms supplies, and diplomatic backing from larger powers influenced how confidently states pressed or defended their territorial claims. The result was that local boundary disputes became entangled with much larger global competition.
Internal and domestic politics
Disputes are not only shaped by history and outside powers. Domestic politics plays a powerful role too. Nationalist sentiment, electoral pressures, and economic interests can all push leaders to take firm positions on contested land. A government may harden its stance on a border issue to rally public support or to draw attention away from problems at home. The escalation of the Thailand-Cambodia dispute in 2008 was driven largely by domestic politics in Thailand, showing how internal pressures can turn a dormant disagreement into an active crisis.
The three variants of territorial disputes
To study these conflicts more systematically, scholars Burnnet and Jaily categorize territorial disputes into three primary types: land conflicts, positional disputes, and functional conflicts. Each type captures a different layer of disagreement, and understanding the distinction makes it much easier to read what is actually being contested.
Land conflicts
Land conflicts arise when both parties agree on the Actual Line of Control but disagree on the position of the boundary line itself. In other words, both sides accept the practical, on-the-ground line that separates the troops and administration of each country, yet they still claim that the true legal border lies somewhere else. The dispute is about ownership of the land between the line they actually control and the line they claim.
The India-China border offers a useful illustration. India and China have never formally demarcated their 3,488-kilometre boundary, which stems largely from British colonial-era agreements such as the McMahon Line. Large territories like Aksai Chin, administered by China but claimed by India, and Arunachal Pradesh, governed by India but claimed by China, remain contested even where the practical line of control is broadly understood.
Positional disputes
Positional disputes occur when the two parties disagree on the actual location of the boundary line. Here the problem is not just which side owns a chunk of land, but where the dividing line physically runs. Each country has a different perception of where the line should be, and these perceptions overlap.
This too is visible in the India-China case. The concept of the Line of Actual Control was first introduced by Chinese premier Zhou Enlai in 1959, but it has never been distinctly demarcated, and the two sides routinely disagree over its precise location. India considers the line to be roughly 3,488 kilometres long, while China gives a figure closer to 2,000 kilometres. When patrols from each side advance to what they believe is their own territory, the differing perceptions produce standoffs, such as the deadly Galwan Valley clash of 2020 that killed twenty Indian soldiers.
Functional conflicts
Functional conflicts involve disagreements not over who owns the land or where the line runs, but over how the border should be managed and administered. The two states may broadly accept the boundary, yet clash over practical questions of fencing, patrolling, surveillance, and the movement of people, goods, and animals across it.
The India-Bangladesh fence issue is a textbook example. India shares its longest land border, measuring 4,096.7 kilometres, with Bangladesh, running through West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram. India has fenced much of this porous border to curb smuggling, illegal crossings, and trafficking. Bangladesh, however, objects to fencing built within 150 yards of the boundary, citing the 1975 Joint India-Bangladesh Guidelines that prohibit defence structures near the line. India counters that wire fencing is a security measure, not a defence structure. The disagreement is about the rules of border management rather than the border itself.
The enclave problem along the same border shows how complex functional management can become. For decades, the region around Cooch Behar contained over a hundred Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh and dozens of Bangladeshi enclaves inside India, pockets of one country’s territory completely surrounded by the other. Residents of these enclaves were effectively stateless, denied schools, electricity, and voting rights by both countries. The 2015 Land Boundary Agreement finally exchanged more than 160 enclaves, improving the lives of around 50,000 people and demonstrating that functional disputes can be resolved through patient negotiation.
Why these distinctions matter
Sorting disputes into land, positional, and functional categories is not merely an academic exercise. The category shapes the solution. A positional dispute might be settled by jointly surveying and demarcating the boundary. A land conflict may require difficult negotiations over the transfer of contested territory. A functional conflict can often be eased through confidence-building measures, joint patrols, and updated agreements on border management.
History shows that many territorial disputes are eventually resolved peacefully, either through a boundary treaty in which both sides agree on the line, or through a binding decision by a body such as the International Court of Justice. The India-Bangladesh enclave settlement proves that even the most tangled disputes can be untied when both governments choose negotiation over confrontation.
What do you think? Given that most South Asian boundary disputes are rooted in colonial decisions made decades ago, should present-day governments prioritise inherited legal claims or the practical realities of who controls and lives on the land today? And which of the three variants, land, positional, or functional, do you think is the hardest to resolve peacefully?
References
- https://www.curtis.com/glossary/public-international-law/territorial-dispute
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Territorial_dispute
- https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text
- https://www.vifindia.org/article/2019/january/25/colonial-legacy-an-impediment-to-regional-integration-in-south-asia
- https://www.securityincontext.com/posts/the-colonial-roots-of-linear-borders-in-south-asia
- https://gsdrc.org/publications/border-disputes-and-micro-conflicts-in-south-and-southeast-asia/
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sino-Indian_border_dispute
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Line_of_Actual_Control
- https://www.iai.it/en/publications/c05/india-china-boundary-dispute
- https://vajiramandravi.com/current-affairs/india-bangladesh-border-dispute/
- https://forumias.com/blog/disputes-between-india-and-bangladesh-over-border-fencing/
- https://www.ipcs.org/comm_select.php?articleNo=493
- https://www.cfr.org/articles/india-and-bangladesh-poised-resolve-border-dispute
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