When people picture environmental activism, they often imagine well-funded campaigns in wealthy nations or international summits on climate change. There is a quiet assumption behind this image: that caring about nature is something you do once you are rich enough to stop worrying about food, jobs, and shelter. This belief is not just incomplete, it is misleading. For much of the developing world, environmental degradation is not a distant threat to future generations but a present-day driver of poverty, displacement, and ill health. Understanding why environmentalism matters so deeply for poorer nations means rethinking what environmentalism actually is and who it is for.
Table of Contents
- The myth that environmentalism is a luxury
- Why poverty and degradation feed each other
- Two different faces of environmentalism
- What the environmentalism of the poor means
- Grassroots movements that prove the point
- The Chipko movement
- The Narmada Bachao Andolan
- Environmental protection as a democratic struggle
- Access to natural resources and public goods
- The principle of differentiated responsibility
- Why sustainable development is the meeting point
The myth that environmentalism is a luxury
A long-standing idea in political science holds that environmental concern is a “post-material” value. The argument, associated with political scientist Ronald Inglehart, suggests that once societies meet their basic material needs, citizens shift their attention to quality-of-life issues like clean air, scenic landscapes, and protection of wildlife. By this logic, environmentalism becomes a marker of affluence, something that flourishes only after economic security is achieved.
This framing has been sharply criticised. Scholars have pointed out that even Western environmentalists of the 1970s and 1980s were worried about intensely material issues, such as the dangers of nuclear energy and toxic chemicals like DDT. Treating their concerns as “post-material” never quite fit. More importantly, the post-materialist thesis fails completely when applied to developing countries, where environmental struggles are rarely about aesthetics or lifestyle. They are about survival.
Why poverty and degradation feed each other
In poorer nations, the link between environmental damage and economic deprivation is direct and unforgiving. Communities that depend on farming, fishing, forests, and grazing land are the first to suffer when those resources are polluted, privatised, or destroyed. Soil erosion, desertification, and water scarcity reduce agricultural yields, pushing already vulnerable households deeper into poverty. Poor environmental quality also carries a heavy health cost. Research at the intersection of environment and development economics notes that pollution in developing countries leads to sickness, shortened lifespans, lower productivity, and higher healthcare costs.
This creates a damaging cycle. Environmental degradation worsens poverty, and poverty in turn forces people to overuse the very resources they depend on, accelerating further degradation. Breaking this loop is not a question of luxury values; it is central to economic justice and human dignity.
Two different faces of environmentalism
One of the most influential ideas for understanding this divide comes from Indian historian Ramachandra Guha and Catalan ecological economist Joan Martínez-Alier. In their work on varieties of environmentalism, they identified two broad types: one ideological and value-based, found in the Global North, and another materialistic and interest-based, found in the poorer countries of the Global South. The first is sometimes called the “cult of wilderness,” concerned with preserving pristine nature for its own sake. The second has come to be known as the environmentalism of the poor.
What the environmentalism of the poor means
The environmentalism of the poor refers to the struggles of communities who fight to protect the environment because their livelihoods, health, and culture depend on it. Martínez-Alier describes these as conflicts with an ecological element that involve impoverished populations struggling against the state or private companies that threaten their survival. These are often called ecological distribution conflicts, situations where the harmful impacts of an economic activity fall most heavily on those least able to defend themselves.
The distinction matters because it reframes what environmental protection looks like. In the North, a campaign might aim to protect a national park or reduce carbon footprints through individual lifestyle change. In the South, an environmental struggle is more likely to be about whether a community keeps access to a forest, a river, or fertile land that feeds them. The poor are not less concerned about the environment. They are concerned about it in a fundamentally different, more immediate way.
Grassroots movements that prove the point
India offers some of the clearest examples of environmentalism rooted in material need rather than abstract values. These movements were not led by affluent activists seeking to preserve scenery. They were led by ordinary people defending their means of survival.
The Chipko movement
In the early 1970s, villagers in the hills of Uttarakhand began hugging trees to prevent them from being felled by commercial loggers. The Chipko movement, whose name literally means “to hug,” became iconic for its nonviolent tactics, often led by local women. But the heart of the movement was material. The activists were concerned with social justice arising from the disproportionate use of forest resources by people in positions of power and authority. For these communities, the forest was a source of fuel, fodder, water, and soil stability, not a recreational landscape. Their fight was about who got to use a shared resource, and on whose terms.
The Narmada Bachao Andolan
A decade later, the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), or “Save the Narmada” movement, took on the construction of large dams along the Narmada River, including the Sardar Sarovar Dam. Led by activist Medha Patkar, the movement drew strength from indigenous and rural communities facing displacement. Where Chipko had focused on access to forest resources, the NBA insisted that people whose rights to local resources could not be protected should be properly compensated and resettled, so that economic justice was served.
The NBA exposed a recurring pattern in development projects. The benefits of the dam, such as electricity and irrigation, flowed largely to urban and industrial users, while the costs fell on marginalised groups. The majority of those displaced were tribal communities with limited political power and often without formal land titles, leaving them especially vulnerable to losing their homes without fair treatment. Environmental struggle here was inseparable from a struggle over rights and equity.
Environmental protection as a democratic struggle
These examples reveal something important. In developing countries, protecting the environment is increasingly understood as part of a broader fight for democracy and fair distribution. The core question is not only “how do we save nature?” but “who gets to decide how natural resources are used, and who benefits?”
Access to natural resources and public goods
When forests are handed to logging companies, when rivers are dammed for distant cities, or when farmland is acquired for industry, the people who lose access are usually those with the least voice in the decision. Environmental movements in the Global South therefore become vehicles for demanding a say in governance. They insist that communities living closest to natural resources, who often possess the most detailed knowledge of how to manage them sustainably, deserve a place at the decision-making table. This makes environmental protection a question of participation and accountability, not just conservation.
The principle of differentiated responsibility
This justice-centred view also shapes how developing countries engage with global environmental politics. The principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, recognised under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, holds that all nations share responsibility for protecting the environment, but the burden should reflect each country’s historical contribution to the problem and its present capacity to act. Wealthy nations, having industrialised first and emitted the most, are expected to take the lead and to support poorer countries with finance and technology. As one analysis of climate justice puts it, equity matters more than mere equality, because identical targets ignore vast differences in capability and historical responsibility.
For developing countries, this is not an excuse to avoid environmental action. It is an argument that genuine sustainability cannot be separated from fairness. Asking the poorest nations to bear the same costs as the richest, after decades of unequal resource use, would simply reproduce existing injustices in a new form.
Why sustainable development is the meeting point
All of this points toward sustainable development as the framework that reconciles growth with protection. Developing countries cannot simply halt development; large populations still need jobs, energy, and infrastructure to escape poverty. At the same time, growth that destroys the resource base it depends on is self-defeating. Sustainable development asks how nations can improve living standards while keeping ecosystems intact for the long term.
The obstacles are real. Many governments in developing countries face weak institutions, limited monitoring capacity, and pressing concerns like unemployment that can push environmental issues down the list of priorities. Policy tools that work in wealthy nations, such as pollution taxes, can be harder to implement where the equipment to measure pollution and the administrative systems to enforce rules are not yet in place. Recognising these constraints is essential to designing realistic solutions rather than importing models that do not fit.
Yet the grassroots movements discussed above show that the demand for a healthy, fairly shared environment is already deeply present in the developing world. It does not need to be imported from richer countries. It grows naturally out of the daily experience of people whose lives are bound up with the land, water, and forests around them. Environmentalism in this sense is not a luxury that arrives after prosperity. It is woven into the struggle for prosperity itself.
What do you think? If environmental protection in developing countries is really a struggle over who controls natural resources, should environmental decisions give greater weight to the communities who depend directly on those resources? And can a nation pursue rapid economic growth without repeating the pattern where the costs fall on the most vulnerable?
References
- https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40888-023-00306-x
- https://epic.uchicago.edu/news/why-environmental-quality-is-poor-in-developing-countries-a-primer/
- https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-28452-7_6
- http://www.ejolt.org/2012/12/environmentalism-of-the-poor/
- https://dokumen.pub/environmental-movements-of-india-chipko-narmada-bachao-andolan-navdanya-9789048535095.html
- https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/environmental-movements-of-india/narmada-bachao-andolan-nba-save-the-narmada/86B51F094B8028AF70A69A5347DBED39
- https://earth.org/climate-justice-should-developing-countries-be-held-to-the-wests-standard/
- https://issues.org/greenspan-environmental-policy-developing-countries/
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