By the nineteenth century, Europe’s industrial and military rise had reshaped the global balance of power. Vast Asian empires that had once dominated their regions-China under the Qing dynasty, Persia (modern Iran), the Ottoman Empire, and Tsarist Russia-found themselves squeezed by aggressive European expansion. Unlike India or large parts of Africa, these states were rarely colonised outright. Instead, they faced a subtler but equally damaging form of domination: economic penetration, forced treaties, spheres of influence, and eventual fragmentation. Understanding how these “Asiatic empires” responded to colonial pressure helps explain the political map of Asia and the Middle East today.
Table of Contents
- The nature of colonialism in the Asiatic empires
- China and the unequal treaties
- The Opium Wars and the Treaty of Nanjing
- What the treaties took away
- A term born of nationalism
- British and Russian pressure on Persia
- The Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907
- Oil, strategy, and resentment
- The collapse of the Ottoman Empire
- From wartime deals to the Treaty of Sèvres
- Turkish nationalism and the survival of a state
- A lasting legacy
- The Bolshevik transformation of Russia
- From empire to Soviet state
- Renouncing the colonial inheritance
- Common patterns across the Asiatic empires
The nature of colonialism in the Asiatic empires
Direct colonisation involved planting a flag and governing territory. The pressure on the large Asiatic empires worked differently. European powers often preferred to keep these states nominally independent while controlling their trade, finances, and foreign policy. As one analysis of Western colonialism notes, where rivalry prevented any single power from taking exclusive control, the powers instead carved out spheres of influence and imposed unequal commercial treaties while leaving the target country formally sovereign.
This approach is sometimes called informal empire or semi-colonialism. It allowed European states to extract resources and trading rights without the cost of full military occupation. China is the classic example of this kind of penetration, but the same logic applied to Persia and, to a degree, the Ottoman Empire.
China and the unequal treaties
China’s experience gives us the sharpest illustration of how a powerful empire could be hollowed out without being formally conquered. The Qing dynasty entered the nineteenth century confident in its self-sufficiency. That confidence collapsed during the Opium Wars.
The Opium Wars and the Treaty of Nanjing
Britain wanted to sell opium in China to correct its trade deficit, and Qing efforts to stop the drug trade triggered war. After defeat in the First Opium War, China signed the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842. This was the first treaty later described as “unequal,” and it set the template for those that followed. The term unequal treaty refers to a series of agreements in which China was forced to concede territorial and sovereignty rights to foreign imperialist powers during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
What the treaties took away
The treaties stripped China of meaningful control over its own economy and legal system. The Treaty of Tientsin and the later Convention of Peking forced China to open more ports to foreign trade, permit foreign diplomats in Beijing, allow Christian missionary activity, and effectively legalise the opium trade. Foreigners also enjoyed extraterritoriality, meaning they were tried under their own laws rather than Chinese ones.
Crucially, this was not a one-power story. Russia, exploiting China’s weakness, signed the Treaty of Aigun in 1858, by which it gained jurisdiction over the lands north of the Amur River. Within a few years, China was compelled to cede vast territories-a region that would become known as the Russian Far East. The fact that Russia, itself an Asiatic land empire, behaved as a colonial power here is an important reminder that the “scramble” was not purely Western.
A term born of nationalism
It is worth knowing that the phrase “unequal treaties” was not used at the time the documents were signed. Scholars point out that the label emerged in the 1920s as part of Chinese nationalist discourse aimed at strengthening national unity and demanding revision of these agreements. The concept is therefore as much political as it is historical-a deliberate framing that fed into the idea of a “century of humiliation.”
British and Russian pressure on Persia
Persia faced a different but related squeeze. Sitting between Russian Central Asia and British India, it became a chessboard in what historians call the Great Game-the long rivalry between Britain and Russia for influence across the region.
The Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907
Rather than fight each other directly, the two powers eventually struck a bargain at Persia’s expense. The Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 settled their colonial disputes by delineating spheres of influence in Persia, along with arrangements over Afghanistan and Tibet. The agreement divided Persia into three zones: a Russian sphere in the north, a British sphere in the south-east, and a neutral zone in between.
The agreement supposedly recognised Persia’s independence, but in practice it reduced the country’s freedom of action. As one account explains, the convention did not end competition between the two powers but did foster cooperation often to the detriment of Iranian interests, with both powers later intervening in Persia’s domestic politics by backing the royalists against the constitutionalists.
Oil, strategy, and resentment
Western interest in Persia was driven by its strategic position and, increasingly, its oil reserves. Many Iranians viewed the 1907 arrangement as having reduced the nation to little more than a British and Russian protectorate, and during the First World War a number of local rebellions broke out against the foreign forces operating on Persian soil. This deep resentment of foreign interference would shape Iranian nationalism for decades to come.
The collapse of the Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire-often called “the sick man of Europe”-had been losing territory for a century before the First World War delivered the final blow. Having sided with Germany, the Ottomans found themselves on the losing side, and the victorious Allies moved quickly to divide the spoils.
From wartime deals to the Treaty of Sèvres
The partition had in fact been planned during the war itself, most famously through the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, which carved up Ottoman lands between Britain and France. The formal dismantling came with the Treaty of Sèvres, signed on 10 August 1920. This post-war pact abolished the Ottoman Empire and obliged Turkey to renounce all rights over Arab Asia and North Africa.
Under the settlement, the Arab provinces were placed under British and French control through the newly created League of Nations mandate system. Strategic waterways such as the Bosphorus and Dardanelles became international zones, and the treaty even provided for an independent Armenia and an autonomous Kurdistan.
Turkish nationalism and the survival of a state
The Ottoman story differs from China’s and Persia’s in one crucial respect: the harsh terms provoked a successful nationalist backlash. Sultan Mehmed VI endorsed Sèvres, but the treaty was rejected by the new Turkish nationalist movement under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who had established a rival national assembly in Ankara. The resulting Turkish War of Independence prevented Sèvres from ever being ratified.
Atatürk’s military victory forced the Allies back to the negotiating table. The clauses concerning the Arab provinces stood, but those regarding Anatolia and Thrace were replaced in a new peace treaty signed at Lausanne in 1923. Out of the wreckage of empire, a sovereign Turkish republic emerged-an outcome that distinguishes Turkey from the Arab territories that fell under European mandates.
A lasting legacy
The decisions taken at Sèvres and afterward continue to shape the modern Middle East. The mandate system created artificial borders that grouped together diverse ethnic and religious communities. The modern states of Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Lebanon trace their origins to this partition, and the denial of statehood to the Kurds-who remain spread across Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran-is a direct legacy of these abandoned promises.
The Bolshevik transformation of Russia
Tsarist Russia was simultaneously a coloniser of others and an empire under enormous internal strain. While it carved up Persia and China, its own structure was crumbling under the pressure of war, economic collapse, and revolution.
From empire to Soviet state
The strain of the First World War proved fatal to the Romanov monarchy. The Russian Revolution of 1917 marked the end of the Romanov dynasty and centuries of imperial rule, as the Bolsheviks under Vladimir Lenin seized power and overturned the tsarist order. The decade that followed saw a radical transformation of the Russian Empire into a socialist state-first Soviet Russia, and then the Soviet Union from 1922 onward.
Renouncing the colonial inheritance
The new revolutionary government broke with the imperial diplomacy of the tsars, at least on paper. After the 1917 revolution, the Soviet government terminated most of the privileges tsarist Russia had gained from China under the unequal treaties. Likewise, the 1907 Anglo-Russian arrangement over Persia lapsed in 1918 after it was renounced by the new revolutionary government. In rejecting the agreements of the old regime, the Bolsheviks positioned the new Russia as an opponent of European imperialism-a stance that would have major consequences for anti-colonial movements across Asia in the decades that followed.
Common patterns across the Asiatic empires
Although China, Persia, the Ottoman Empire, and Russia followed very different paths, their experiences share clear threads. In each case, European industrial and military superiority allowed outside powers to dictate terms. Domination was often economic before it was territorial, achieved through treaties, loans, and concessions rather than outright conquest. And in each case, foreign pressure eventually triggered powerful nationalist or revolutionary responses-whether the Chinese campaign against the unequal treaties, Iranian resistance to foreign control, Turkish nationalism under Atatürk, or the Bolshevik upheaval in Russia. The shifting power structures of this era did not simply impose European rule; they also planted the seeds of the anti-colonial movements that would define the twentieth century.
What do you think? Why do you think the Ottoman Empire was able to produce a successful nationalist movement that preserved a sovereign state, while China spent nearly a century trapped under the unequal treaties? And how far do the artificial borders drawn during this period still explain the conflicts we see in Asia and the Middle East today?
References
- https://www.britannica.com/topic/Western-colonialism/Quest-for-a-general-theory-of-imperialism
- https://www.britannica.com/event/Unequal-Treaty
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Tientsin
- https://www.iias.asia/the-newsletter/article/international-treaties-foundations-colonial-rule-southeast-asia
- https://www.britannica.com/event/Anglo-Russian-Entente
- https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/modern-europe/british-and-irish-history/anglo-russian-entente
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rais-Ali_Delvari
- https://www.britannica.com/event/Treaty-of-Sevres
- https://israeled.org/treaty-sevres-dissolves-ottoman-empire/
- https://origins.osu.edu/read/long-end-ottoman-empire
- https://www.history.com/articles/russian-revolution
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Soviet_Russia_and_the_Soviet_Union_(1917%E2%80%931927)
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