For most of the twentieth century, the state grew bigger. It built schools and hospitals, ran pensions, guaranteed employment, and promised citizens protection from the cruelties of the market. This expansive vision, the welfare state, became the dominant model of governance across democracies. Yet from the 1980s onward, a powerful counter-current emerged. Globalization, with its demand for open markets and competitive economies, began pulling governments in the opposite direction, towards a leaner, less interventionist minimal state. The tension between these two visions sits at the heart of contemporary political theory, and nowhere is it more visible than in a country like India, which embraced market reforms while constitutionally committing itself to social welfare.
Table of Contents
- Two competing visions of the state
- The welfare state
- The minimal state
- How globalization changed the equation
- The pressure on distributive functions
- Globalization is not a one-way street
- The Indian experience: reform without abandonment
- The constitutional commitment to welfare
- A hybrid in practice
- Legitimacy, elections, and the limits of the minimal state
- So, will the welfare state survive?
Two competing visions of the state
Before examining how globalization reshapes the state, it helps to be clear about what these two models actually claim. They represent fundamentally different answers to a single question that political thinkers have debated for centuries: what should the state do?
The welfare state
A welfare state is a system in which the government takes primary responsibility for the economic and social well-being of its citizens. It rests on principles of equality of opportunity, equitable distribution of wealth, and public responsibility for those unable to provide for themselves. In practice, this means the state funds healthcare, education, unemployment benefits, pensions, and various forms of social security. The intellectual roots of this model lie partly in the economist John Maynard Keynes, whose ideas justified active state intervention to correct market failures and stabilise the economy.
The welfare state is not a single uniform model. The political sociologist Gรธsta Esping-Andersen famously distinguished three “regimes” of welfare capitalism, each reflecting a different relationship between the state, the market, and the family, ranging from generous social-democratic systems to more limited, means-tested liberal ones.
The minimal state
The minimal state stands at the opposite end. Often called the “night-watchman state”, it argues that government should be restricted to a few core functions: maintaining law and order through the police, defending the nation through the armed forces, and enforcing contracts through the courts. Everything else, including economic and social matters, should be left to individuals and private businesses. This was the ideal championed by the liberal New Right, which held that an economy free from state interference would be more competitive, efficient, and productive.
The most influential philosophical defence of this view came from the libertarian philosopher Robert Nozick in his 1974 work Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Nozick argued that only a minimal state can be morally justified, one limited to protecting people against force, theft, and fraud. Any state that takes on more, such as redistributing wealth or providing social services, necessarily violates individual rights. For Nozick, redistributive taxation was effectively a form of forced labour, since it took the fruits of one person’s work to benefit another.
How globalization changed the equation
For decades after the Second World War, the welfare state expanded steadily. Then the consensus shifted. Mainstream economics moved away from Keynesianism and its faith in state correction of market failures, and towards a strong belief in the market itself. The focus changed from market failures that demanded political solutions to state failures that demanded market solutions. This intellectual turn is what we usually call neoliberalism.
Globalization gave this shift practical force. Since the 1980s, particularly in association with the pressures generated by globalization, there has been a worldwide tendency to minimise or “roll back” state power. The logic is straightforward. When capital can move freely across borders, governments compete to attract investment and jobs. This competition creates pressure to cut social spending, reduce labour costs, and lower taxes to remain economically attractive.
The pressure on distributive functions
The result is a squeeze on precisely those functions that define the welfare state. As scholars of comparative social policy note, globalization increases competition for investment across borders, pressuring governments to trim the very protections citizens demand. This produces a deep tension: citizens want shelter from the instability that global markets create, yet the same global markets make it harder for governments to provide that shelter.
This is the transformation at the core of our topic. As liberalization, privatization, and globalization advance, the state’s distributive functions (taking from the wealthy through taxation and giving to the needy through services) come under strain. The state risks being reduced from an active provider of welfare into a mere regulator, one that sets the rules of the market but no longer redistributes its rewards.
Globalization is not a one-way street
It would be misleading, however, to treat the decline of the welfare state as inevitable. Globalization was never a purely linear process. It is politically determined and not necessarily linked to ever less regulated markets. Different countries have responded to the same global pressures in very different ways. Some Nordic states have maintained generous welfare provision alongside open economies, suggesting that there is no single iron law forcing every government towards a minimal state.
The Indian experience: reform without abandonment
India offers a particularly instructive case because it embraced globalization relatively late and very dramatically. The turning point came in 1991, when a severe balance-of-payments crisis left the country with foreign exchange reserves barely enough to cover two weeks of imports. Under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao and Finance Minister Manmohan Singh, the government launched the New Economic Policy, ushering in the famous LPG reforms: Liberalization, Privatization, and Globalization.
These reforms dismantled the restrictive License Raj, opened markets to foreign competition, and encouraged private sector participation. Industrial licensing was abolished, public-sector enterprises were opened to private and foreign investment, import tariffs were slashed, and the rupee was devalued. The economy was pivoting from a state-led, broadly socialist model towards a market-driven one.
The constitutional commitment to welfare
Yet here lies the crucial point. Even as it embraced market reforms, India never abandoned its constitutional identity as a welfare state. That identity is enshrined in the Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP), contained in Part IV (Articles 36 to 51) of the Constitution. Though non-justiciable and not enforceable by any court, these principles are described as fundamental in the governance of the country.
The DPSP set out an ambitious social charter. Article 38 directs the State to secure a social order in which justice prevails and to minimise inequalities in income, status, and opportunity. Article 39 directs the State to ensure an adequate livelihood for all and to prevent the concentration of wealth. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar described these principles as the “instrument of instructions” binding every future government. In other words, the Indian state is constitutionally pointed towards the welfare model, not the minimal one.
A hybrid in practice
What has emerged in India is therefore a hybrid. The reforms did roll back the state’s direct control over many areas of the economy, and critics rightly point out that the benefits of post-1991 growth were unevenly distributed, concentrated in urban centres and the services sector while rural areas saw much slower growth. At the same time, the state has not retreated into a night-watchman role. If anything, its welfare ambitions have grown.
Successive governments launched major programmes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which provides a legal guarantee of rural employment, and Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) schemes that aim to reduce leakages in welfare delivery. This points to a subtle but important evolution: rather than simply shrinking, the state’s welfare role has shifted in form, often using market mechanisms and technology to deliver social goods more efficiently.
Legitimacy, elections, and the limits of the minimal state
Why has the welfare state proved so resilient even under intense global pressure? The answer lies in democratic politics. In a democracy, governments must periodically renew their mandate through elections. A state that abandoned its citizens entirely to market forces would struggle to maintain legitimacy at the ballot box.
This is the structural tension that any government navigating globalization must manage. On one side are market forces and global competition, pushing the state to cut spending, deregulate, and step back. On the other side are voters, who experience the insecurity of globalised markets and demand protection from it. The pure minimal state, attractive as it may be to libertarian theorists, is politically very difficult to sustain in a functioning democracy where the poor and the vulnerable also vote.
This explains why welfare reform, rather than welfare abolition, has become a permanent feature of political debate in nearly every democracy. Governments are constantly recalibrating: how much to redistribute, how much to leave to the market, and how to do so without either losing global competitiveness or losing elections. The future of social policy, viewed globally, has tended to remain piecemeal and minimalist in the absence of a strong global movement demanding more extensive welfare provision.
So, will the welfare state survive?
The evidence suggests that the stark binary of “welfare state versus minimal state” is too simple to capture what is actually happening. Globalization has undeniably constrained the state’s distributive ambitions and strengthened its regulatory ones. The state is no longer the sole owner of industries or the guaranteed employer it once aspired to be. Yet it has not collapsed into a minimal night-watchman either.
Instead, what is emerging is a regulatory welfare state: leaner in its direct economic role, more reliant on markets and private actors, but still deeply committed to social protection through targeted schemes, regulation, and safety nets. The democratic need for legitimacy acts as a powerful brake on any drift towards a truly minimal state, while global competition acts as an equally powerful brake on unrestrained welfare expansion. The state of the future is likely to live in the tension between these two forces, rather than resolving it cleanly in favour of either.
What do you think? Can a state remain genuinely committed to social welfare while competing in a globalised economy that rewards low taxes and minimal regulation? And in the Indian context, is the rise of targeted schemes like Direct Benefit Transfer a sign that the welfare state is being strengthened, or quietly redefined into something narrower?
References
- https://politicalscienceblog.com/minimal-and-welfare-role-of-the-state/
- https://www.britannica.com/biography/Robert-Nozick
- https://vbn.aau.dk/ws/portalfiles/portal/72613349/80_2012_J_rgen_Goul_Andersen.pdf
- https://fiveable.me/introduction-political-sociology/unit-12/welfare-state-models-policies/study-guide/ic4Vbu89PSpQtc6O
- https://rsisinternational.org/journals/ijriss/articles/impact-of-liberalization-privatization-and-globalization-lpg-on-the-indian-economy/
- https://www.drishtiias.com/to-the-points/Paper2/directive-principles-of-state-policy-dpsp
- https://teachers.institute/pedagogy-of-social-science/directive-principles-state-policy-india-justice/
- https://ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2410302.pdf
- https://pwonlyias.com/pyq/has-the-indian-governmental-system-responded-adequately-to-the-demands-of-liberalization-privatization-and-globalization-started-in-1991-what-can-the-government-do-to-be-responsive-to-this-important/
- https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-international-and-comparative-social-policy/article/abs/global-social-policy-an-application-of-welfare-state-theory/4252AF63D0A278D1FDA7BA2A9722FE8B
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