The map of present-day Northeast India, with its autonomous district councils and special constitutional safeguards, was not drawn overnight. Its foundations were laid decades before Independence through two colonial laws: the Government of India Act of 1919 and the Government of India Act of 1935. These Acts introduced a system of administrative separation that treated the hill tribes of Assam and the frontier tracts as distinct from the rest of British India. The categories they created, from “backward tracts” to “excluded” and “partially excluded” areas, became the reference point for the Constituent Assembly when it decided how to govern this region after 1947. Understanding these two Acts is essential to understanding why Northeast India occupies such a unique place in the Indian constitutional framework.
Table of Contents
- The colonial logic of separate administration
- The Government of India Act, 1919 and the birth of “backward tracts”
- What Section 52A did
- The consequence of exclusion
- The Government of India Act, 1935 and the reclassification of tribal areas
- From backward tracts to excluded and partially excluded areas
- How the two categories differed
- Why these classifications mattered for the Constituent Assembly
- The Cabinet Mission and the Advisory Committee
- The Bordoloi Sub-Committee
- From colonial exclusion to constitutional autonomy
- The making of the Sixth Schedule
- A continuous thread of history
The colonial logic of separate administration
Long before 1919, the British had already begun isolating the tribal hill areas of Assam from the administered plains. The Inner Line system, drawn to mark the limit of revenue administration, prohibited outsiders from crossing into tribal territory without permission. Beyond this line, tribal communities were largely left to manage their own affairs through customary law and the arbitration of clan and tribal chiefs. The Scheduled Districts Act of 1874 formalised this approach by establishing that ordinary laws would not automatically apply to these tracts.
This policy rested on a particular colonial assumption: that the hill tribes were “primitive,” that no conventional political institution could govern them, and that contact with the people of the plains needed to be limited. The result was a deliberate administrative distance. While this protected certain customary practices from outside interference, it also kept these communities isolated from the political and economic developments occurring elsewhere in the country.
The Government of India Act, 1919 and the birth of “backward tracts”
The Government of India Act of 1919, based on the Montagu-Chelmsford Report, is best known for introducing dyarchy at the provincial level, a system that split provincial subjects into “reserved” and “transferred” categories. But for the tribal regions of Assam, its most consequential provision was Section 52A.
What Section 52A did
Under Section 52A, the Governor-General-in-Council could declare any territory a “backward tract” and deny the application of any legislative Act to the areas so declared. In practical terms, this meant the Governor-General held special powers over these regions while the elected legislatures had no authority there. The reforms of dyarchy, which gave Indian ministers a limited role in provincial governance, simply did not reach these areas.
A range of territories in the Assam province were declared backward tracts. These included the Garo Hills, the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, the Mikir Hills, the North Cachar Hills, the Naga Hills, the Lushai Hills, and the frontier tracts of Sadiya, Balipara, and Lakhimpur. The Lushai Hills, for example, were classified as a backward region by the Governor-General-in-Council in January 1921.
The consequence of exclusion
The 1919 framework cemented the idea that tribal areas were administratively separate. Decisions about these regions rested with the executive rather than with any representative body. This created a pattern of governance in which the people of the hills had little say in the laws that affected them, and in which their distinctiveness was managed through exclusion rather than integration.
The Government of India Act, 1935 and the reclassification of tribal areas
The Government of India Act of 1935 brought sweeping changes to Indian governance. It abolished dyarchy at the provincial level and introduced provincial autonomy, granting elected legislatures control over most day-to-day administration. It also created a Federal Court and expanded the electorate. But these reforms came with an important exception built specifically for the tribal regions.
From backward tracts to excluded and partially excluded areas
Acting on the advice of the Indian Statutory Commission, also known as the Simon Commission, Sections 91 and 92 of the 1935 Act regrouped the old backward tracts into two new categories: “excluded areas” and “partially excluded areas.” This was not merely a change of name. The two categories carried different degrees of administrative separation.
How the two categories differed
The distinction between the two had real consequences for who held power and how much. The key differences were as follows.
Excluded areas: These regions, such as the Naga Hills and the frontier tracts, were kept almost entirely outside the reach of the provincial legislature. They were not represented in the Assam legislature, and the Governor administered them under his “reserved” discretionary authority. The elected provincial government had effectively no role here.
Partially excluded areas: In these regions, the provincial legislature retained some power, though laws did not apply automatically and the Governor still had a significant supervisory role. The Khasi and Jaintia Hills and the Mikir Hills, for instance, were treated as partially excluded.
In both categories, the jurisdiction of ordinary British Indian courts was limited, and the broad British aim remained the same: to intervene as little as possible in tribal affairs while retaining ultimate control. Notably, even though the 1935 Act handed provincial autonomy to elected ministers across British India, the Governor kept special responsibility for partially excluded areas, ensuring the tribal regions remained an exception to the wider democratic advance.
Why these classifications mattered for the Constituent Assembly
When India began drafting its Constitution, the framers inherited this colonial map of exclusion. They could not simply ignore it. The communities living in these areas had been governed differently for generations, and their land, customary laws, and institutions were tied to that distinct status. The question before the Constituent Assembly was whether to continue this separation, end it, or transform it into something new.
The Cabinet Mission and the Advisory Committee
The Cabinet Mission had recommended that the Constituent Assembly form an Advisory Committee on the rights of citizens, minorities, and tribal and excluded areas. The Assembly set up this committee in early 1947 under the chairmanship of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. To examine specific regions in depth, the Advisory Committee created several sub-committees, one of which focused on the Northeast.
The Bordoloi Sub-Committee
The North-East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Areas Sub-Committee was chaired by Gopinath Bordoloi, the first Chief Minister of Assam. It came to be popularly known as the Bordoloi Sub-Committee. Its members included figures such as Rev. J.J.M. Nichols Roy, Rup Nath Brahma, and A.V. Thakkar. Bordoloi was chosen not only because he led Assam but because he was known to be sympathetic to the hill people and had studied their situation closely.
The sub-committee toured the hill regions to assess the expectations and aspirations of the tribal communities. The areas it studied were precisely the regions that had been labelled backward tracts under the 1919 Act and excluded or partially excluded areas under the 1935 Act. Its task was to advise the Constituent Assembly on how these regions should be administered in independent India.
From colonial exclusion to constitutional autonomy
The Bordoloi Sub-Committee arrived at a crucial insight. The colonial policy had protected tribal distinctiveness but only through isolation and exclusion. The committee recommended something different: protection through self-governance rather than separation. Its central proposal was the creation of Autonomous District Councils and Regional Councils for the tribal areas of Assam, with their own legislative, executive, and judicial powers.
The making of the Sixth Schedule
There was animated debate in the Constituent Assembly over the sub-committee’s report. Some members, such as Brajeshwar Prasad of Bihar, argued that these areas should be administered by the President rather than the provincial government. Bordoloi himself explained to the Assembly the background of the draft, referring to the problems of regions that had been entirely cut off from the plains. After discussion, the recommendations were largely accepted, and the Sixth Schedule was added to the Constitution. The Autonomous District Councils came into existence in the hill districts on 26 January 1950.
The Sixth Schedule, operating through Articles 244(2) and 275(1), gave tribal communities extensive control over land, forests, customary law, village administration, and local taxation. The areas that had once been backward tracts and excluded areas were transformed into self-governing districts within the Indian Union. Today the Sixth Schedule applies to tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram, and it is widely cited as a model of asymmetric federalism, a system that accommodates regional distinctiveness within a single constitutional framework.
A continuous thread of history
The journey from the 1919 Act to the Sixth Schedule shows how colonial categories were not simply discarded at Independence but were reinterpreted. The very lines of exclusion drawn by the British became the basis for protective autonomy under the Constitution. What changed was the purpose. Where the colonial state used separation to keep tribal communities apart and under executive control, the Constituent Assembly used a comparable framework to empower them and preserve their identity while keeping them firmly within the democratic structure of the country.
What do you think? Did the transformation of colonial exclusion into constitutional autonomy genuinely empower tribal communities, or did it carry forward some of the same assumptions about separateness in a new form? And as demands grow to extend Sixth Schedule-style protections to regions like Ladakh, what lessons from this history should guide that decision?
References
- https://iasgoogle.com/n/examine-the-colonial-policy-of-segregation-of-tribes-under-the-government-of-india-act-1935-upsc-cse-mains-2020-sociology-paper-2
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government_of_India_Act_1919
- https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/sa/sa_00das01.html
- https://www.insightsonindia.com/modern-indian-history/national-movement-1919-1939/government-of-india-act-1935/
- https://egyankosh.ac.in/bitstream/123456789/78963/1/Unit-5.pdf
- https://www.ijmra.us/project%20doc/2023/IJRSS_AUGUST2023/IJRSS10Aug23_pori.pdf
- https://repository.lyceumindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/Emergence-of-Sixth-Schedule-in-the-Constitution-of-India-by-Lalbiakzami-Ralte-Prof.-Jangkhong.pdf
- https://khadc.nic.in/acts_rules_regulations_bills/misc/Framing%20of%20the%206th%20SChedule.pdf
- https://www.sriasedu.in/news/lokpriya-gopinath-bordoloi-sixth-schedule-north-east-federalism-upsc
- https://www.vedantu.com/question-answer/the-constituent-assembly-of-india-convened-to-class-9-social-science-cbse-5ff299fe42763747ef18712c
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