Matrilineal Societies of Meghalaya: The Khasis, Garos, and Jaintias

Across most of India, family lineage, property, and surnames pass from father to son. Meghalaya turns this arrangement on its head. In this northeastern state, three major tribes – the Khasis, Garos, and Jaintias – trace descent through the mother, pass ancestral property to daughters, and give children their mother’s clan name. This is not a relic preserved in a museum but a living social system that shapes everyday family life, festivals, and identity for the majority of the state’s population. Understanding how matriliny works in Meghalaya, and how it differs across these three communities, offers a valuable lens into how human societies can organise kinship in more than one way.

What matriliny actually means 🔗

A matrilineal society is one where descent, inheritance, and family identity are traced through the mother’s line rather than the father’s. It is easy to confuse this with “matriarchy,” but the two are not the same. Matriarchy implies that women hold political power and rule over men. Matriliny simply refers to the line of descent and inheritance. In Meghalaya, women are the custodians of lineage and property, yet much of the formal political and administrative authority still rests with men – often the mother’s brother. This creates what scholars describe as a paradox of gendered authority, where women control the household and lineage while men dominate leadership positions.

Three core features mark a society as genuinely matrilineal: descent traced through the mother, a residence system where the husband moves to or near the wife’s home, and inheritance of property by a daughter. According to research on these communities, all three of these traits are strongly present among the Khasi, Garo, and Jaintia tribes, which is why they qualify as matrilineal in the fullest sense.

Meghalaya is not alone globally – matrilineal communities exist in parts of Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Maldives, with the Minangkabau of West Sumatra often described as the largest such society in the world. Within India, however, where patrilineal custom dominates, Meghalaya stands out as the state with the largest proportion of people living under a matrilineal system.

The Khasis: the largest matrilineal community 🔗

The Khasis are the largest tribe in Meghalaya, making up close to half of the state’s population and forming the dominant group in the eastern Khasi Hills. They speak an Austroasiatic language, which makes them one of the few such communities in South Asia, and the Constitution of India grants them Scheduled Tribe status.

Inheritance and the youngest daughter 🔗

The most distinctive feature of Khasi society is the role of the youngest daughter, known as Ka Khadduh. She inherits the ancestral property and, in return, carries the responsibility of caring for elderly parents and looking after the welfare of her siblings. It is important to understand that she is not an absolute owner. Researchers studying Khasi customary inheritance describe her as a “limited heir” and custodian of the property, meaning major decisions about the estate must be taken with the consent of her maternal uncle. Children take the mother’s surname, and if a couple has no daughter, they may adopt one to continue the lineage and pass on property rights.

The maternal uncle: U Kñi 🔗

If the youngest daughter holds the property, who manages the family? This is where the maternal uncle, called U Kñi, becomes central. In Khasi society he acts as adviser, mediator, disciplinarian, and protector. He oversees his sister’s children, manages family assets, and is the focal point of authority within the clan. One widely cited analogy compares this to a constitutional monarchy: the sister is like the queen who holds the family’s identity, while her brothers function like the cabinet that actually administers affairs. Crucially, while property passes from mother to youngest daughter, succession to political office passes from the maternal uncle to the sister’s son. This dual structure is what keeps Khasi society matrilineal in descent yet far from a simple female-rule arrangement.

The Garos: matriliny with flexibility 🔗

The Garos live mainly in the western hills of Meghalaya and form the second-largest tribal group in the state. Their matrilineal system shares the same foundations as the Khasis but practises them with notable variations.

The Nokna and the Nokrom 🔗

Among the Garos, the youngest daughter who inherits property is known as the Nokna. However, the choice of heir can be more flexible than among the Khasis – if the youngest daughter is considered unable to manage the inheritance, the responsibility may shift to another daughter. The Garos also follow an interesting custom called Nokrom, in which a son-in-law who proves especially capable may be selected to help lead the family. Even in this case, the actual property and land remain in the hands of the women. The Garos practise matrilocal residence, meaning the husband joins his wife’s household after marriage, and the maternal uncle continues to play a significant role in raising his sister’s children and overseeing family matters. Like the Khasis, the Garos hold matrilineal inheritance and accept post-marital residence at the wife’s home as standard practice.

The Jaintias: guardians of the maternal line 🔗

The Jaintias, also called the Pnar, inhabit the Jaintia Hills in the eastern part of the state and maintain one of the more strictly observed matrilineal systems. Their clan system, known as Ki Kur, is firmly rooted in the maternal line. As with the other two tribes, descent and property pass through women, and Jaintia women are respected as custodians of family heritage and land. The cultural closeness between the Khasis and Jaintias is significant – they share linguistic and historical ties, and the region is often referred to together as the Khasi-Jaintia Hills. Across all three tribes, the underlying principle is the same: women anchor the lineage, while practical management is shared with male relatives, especially the maternal uncle.

Festivals: where culture comes alive 🔗

The cultural identity of these tribes is expressed most vividly through their festivals, most of which are tied to the agricultural calendar and to gratitude for a good harvest.

Nongkrem of the Khasis 🔗

The Ka Pomblang Nongkrem is one of the most important festivals of the Khasi tribe. It is held over several days at Smit, the cultural centre of the Khyrim chiefdom near Shillong, usually in November. The festival is led by the Syiem, the traditional Khasi chief, along with the high priestess, reflecting how religious authority itself involves both male and female roles. A central ritual is the Pomblang ceremony, a goat sacrifice offered to guardian deities and ancestral spirits to seek a good harvest and prosperity. The celebration features the famous Nongkrem dance, in which young unmarried women in silk attire adorned with gold and silver ornaments dance gracefully, while men carrying swords dance alongside them. According to accounts of Meghalaya’s traditional dances, these performances remain a living expression of gratitude and devotion rather than mere tourist spectacle.

Wangala of the Garos 🔗

The Garos celebrate Wangala, popularly known as the “Festival of the Hundred Drums.” It is a post-harvest festival held between September and December, marking the end of the agricultural year. Wangala is dedicated to Misi Saljong, the sun god believed to bless the community with a rich harvest. The celebration begins with a ritual called Rugala performed in the village chief’s house, followed by energetic group dances driven by the powerful rhythm of dozens of drums. One striking feature is how children, adults, and elders all join in together, using rhythm and movement to express gratitude, community identity, and the bond between nature and human labour.

A diverse and changing population 🔗

Meghalaya’s population, recorded at close to three million in the 2011 Census, is overwhelmingly tribal – roughly 86% belongs to Scheduled Tribes, and a large majority follows Christianity while continuing to observe indigenous customs. Beyond the three major communities, the state is also home to smaller groups such as the Koch and Rabha. Non-tribal residents, including Bengali, Assamese, Nepali, and people from other parts of India, add further diversity, particularly in urban centres like Shillong, which developed as an administrative hub during colonial rule.

This diversity is also a source of tension. The matrilineal system faces real pressures today. Urbanisation, migration, and exposure to the wider patrilineal norms of India have prompted debate within the communities themselves. Some Khasi men have organised to demand a greater share of property and recognition, arguing that the system places them in a secondary position. At the same time, disputes have arisen over questions such as whether a child who adopts the father’s surname should retain Scheduled Tribe status. These debates show that matriliny in Meghalaya is not frozen in time but is being actively negotiated as the society modernises.

Why this system matters 🔗

The matrilineal societies of Meghalaya offer more than an interesting cultural footnote. They demonstrate that kinship, inheritance, and identity can be organised in ways that differ fundamentally from the patrilineal model most Indians take for granted. For women in these communities, the system has historically provided a degree of security, respect, and economic standing that is uncommon elsewhere in the country – the birth of a daughter is celebrated, and there is little stigma around remarriage. Yet the persistence of male authority through the maternal uncle reminds us that matriliny and full gender equality are not automatically the same thing. Studying Meghalaya helps us think more carefully about the relationship between lineage, power, and gender in any society.

What do you think? Does tracing property and lineage through the mother genuinely empower women, or does the authority retained by the maternal uncle limit how much real power women hold? And as urbanisation and migration reshape Meghalaya, should the state codify these customary laws to protect the matrilineal system, or allow it to evolve on its own?

References

1. https://www.eurasiareview.com/08122024-matrilineal-society-of-meghalaya-india-historical-roots-and-contemporary-challenges-analysis/
2. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3702350/
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khasi_people
4. https://ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2403727.pdf
5. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/288141864_SOCIAL_STATUS_AND_ROLE_OF_WOMEN_AMONG_THE_KHASI_TRIBE_OF_MEGHALAYA
6. https://www.meghalayatourism.in/meghalaya-mosaic/traditional-dance/
7. https://www.amarchitrakatha.com/history_details/drums-dance-and-devotion-harvest-festivals-of-meghalaya/