What would human life look like without government, police, courts, or any shared authority? Thomas Hobbes asked exactly this question in his 1651 masterpiece Leviathan, written during the chaos of the English Civil War. His answer was bleak: without a common power to keep everyone in check, human life would collapse into a “war of every man against every man.” This idea of the state of nature, along with the natural rights people hold within it, forms the foundation of his entire political theory. Understanding these two concepts is essential for grasping why Hobbes believed that an all-powerful sovereign was not just useful but absolutely necessary for human survival.

Table of Contents

What is the state of nature?

The state of nature is Hobbes’ name for the condition humans would live in before the creation of any organised society, government, or law. It is a pre-political and pre-social situation where no common authority exists to make rules, settle disputes, or punish wrongdoers. Hobbes lays out this idea most clearly in Chapter 13 of Leviathan, titled “Of the Natural Condition of Mankind, as Concerning Their Felicity and Misery.”

It is important to understand that Hobbes did not claim this was a real historical period that humanity actually lived through. The state of nature is best understood as a theoretical construct or thought experiment. Hobbes asks us to mentally strip away all the structures of civil society to see what human beings would be like in their raw, natural condition. His purpose was to demonstrate, through reasoning, why political authority is necessary. By showing how terrible life would be without it, he builds his case for why people should accept and obey a strong government.

Hobbes’ view of human nature

To understand why Hobbes was so pessimistic about life without government, you first have to understand his theory of human nature. Hobbes lived during the Scientific Revolution and was deeply influenced by the new physics of his time. He tried to build a theory of human beings on a mechanistic and materialist foundation, treating people as physical bodies driven by predictable forces rather than by divine purpose or moral virtue.

Appetites and aversions

For Hobbes, all human behaviour can be reduced to two basic drives. An appetite is a movement towards something a person desires, while an aversion is a movement away from something they dislike or fear. What a person desires, Hobbes says, they call “good,” and what they avoid, they call “evil.” These labels are not fixed moral truths but simply descriptions of individual preferences.

Hobbes also argued that humans are never permanently satisfied. He described life itself as constant motion, where one desire is always followed by another. This restlessness produces what he called a perpetual and restless desire for power after power that ends only in death. People seek power not always out of greed, but because they cannot secure the good life they already have without acquiring more. This endless competition for power and resources sets the stage for conflict.

Natural equality

A surprising feature of Hobbes’ argument is that human conflict arises precisely because people are equal, not because they are unequal. Hobbes claimed that nature has made people roughly equal in body and mind. Even the weakest person, he noted, has enough strength to kill the strongest, whether through secret scheming or by joining forces with others.

This equality matters because it produces what Hobbes called an “equality of hope.” Since everyone is roughly capable of achieving their goals, everyone expects to be able to do so. When two people then desire the same thing that they cannot both have, they become rivals and enemies. No one can claim a natural right to dominate others, so disputes have no built-in way of being resolved peacefully.

The three causes of conflict

Building on his analysis of equality and desire, Hobbes identified three principal causes of quarrel rooted in human nature. He summarised them as competition, diffidence, and glory. These three drives explain why peaceful cooperation is so difficult to maintain without an overarching authority.

Competition

The first cause is competition. People need food, shelter, and resources to survive, but these things are limited. When supply is scarce and demand is shared, people fight over them. Hobbes said competition makes people “invade for gain,” using violence to make themselves masters of other people’s possessions, land, and even their families.

Diffidence

The second cause is diffidence, an old word meaning mistrust or lack of confidence in others. Because people cannot trust one another in the absence of law, the safest strategy becomes attacking first. Hobbes called this anticipation: using force to master others before they can do the same to you. A person who has worked hard to build a comfortable life lives in constant fear that others may band together to take not only their property but their life and liberty as well. This fear-driven aggression is done for safety, not gain.

Glory

The third cause is glory, or the desire for reputation. People fight over small things, Hobbes noted, such as a word, a smile, a different opinion, or any sign of being undervalued. These conflicts are about pride and the wish to be respected by others. Even trivial slights can trigger violence when honour is at stake.

The war of every man against every man

When you combine restless desire, natural equality, and these three causes of conflict, the result is what Hobbes famously called a state of war. He did not mean constant fighting at every moment, but a persistent condition in which the willingness to fight is always present and no one feels secure. As long as people live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they remain in this condition of war, which he described as a war of every person against every other person.

In one of the most quoted passages in political philosophy, Hobbes described the consequences of this condition. There would be no industry, no agriculture, no trade, no building, no arts, no learning, and no society. Worst of all, there would be continual fear and the danger of violent death. In this condition, he concluded, the life of a person would be solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. With no security, there is no point in working to build anything, because someone stronger or more cunning could simply take it away.

No morality without authority

One of Hobbes’ boldest claims is that in the state of nature, there is no right or wrong. According to him, in this war of every man against every man, nothing can be unjust. The ideas of justice and injustice have no place there. His reasoning is that where there is no common power, there is no law, and where there is no law, there can be no injustice. Concepts like justice and property only come into existence once people agree to a shared authority that creates and enforces rules. Until then, morality as we understand it simply does not apply.

Natural rights in the state of nature

Within this grim picture, Hobbes introduces the idea of natural rights, which he calls the “right of nature” or by its Latin name, jus naturale. He defines the right of nature as the liberty each person has to use their own power as they wish for the preservation of their own life. In short, it is the freedom to do whatever you judge necessary to stay alive.

The driving force behind this right is self-preservation. Because the strongest instinct in every human being is the desire to avoid death and protect themselves, Hobbes argues that each person naturally has the right to do anything they believe will help them survive. In the state of nature, this leads to a striking conclusion: every person has a right to everything, even to one another’s body. If survival might require any action or resource, then in principle a person has a right to use it.

Why unlimited rights create a problem

Here lies the central paradox of the state of nature. If everyone has a right to everything, then in practice no one has a secure right to anything. My right to take what I need clashes directly with your right to take what you need. These overlapping and unlimited rights do not protect people. Instead, they guarantee endless conflict. The very right meant to preserve life ends up making everyone’s life more dangerous. This is the trap that Hobbes believed humanity needed to escape.

From natural rights to the laws of nature

Hobbes argued that the same reason which reveals the danger of the state of nature also shows the way out. He distinguished between the right of nature and the law of nature. A right is a liberty to act, while a law of nature is a general rule discovered through reason that forbids people from doing what is destructive to their own lives. The right says what you are free to do; the law tells you what reason commands you to do.

The first and fundamental law of nature is that every person ought to seek peace as far as they can hope to obtain it, and when peace is impossible, they may use all the advantages of war to defend themselves. The second law follows from this. It states that a person should be willing, when others are willing too, to lay down their right to all things and be content with as much liberty against others as they would allow others against themselves. This mutual giving up of rights is the seed of the social contract.

Through this contract, people agree to transfer most of their natural rights to a sovereign authority, the “Leviathan,” in exchange for security and order. There is one right, however, that can never be given up. Since the entire contract exists to preserve life, no person can be understood to have surrendered the right to defend themselves against death. This single exception remains even within organised society.

Why this idea still matters

Hobbes’ state of nature was not just an abstract philosophical exercise. It was written to justify why people should accept a strong, undivided government rather than risk the collapse of order. The argument continues to shape how we think about the relationship between the individual and the state. Whenever a society experiences a breakdown of law and order, the fear of returning to a “Hobbesian” condition resurfaces. His framework also laid the groundwork for later social contract thinkers like John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who agreed with the method of imagining a state of nature but reached very different conclusions about human nature and the role of government.

The deeper insight Hobbes offers is about the price of security. He suggests that order, peace, and the very possibility of a flourishing life depend on people willingly limiting their own freedom and submitting to a shared authority. Whether his pessimistic view of human nature is accurate remains one of the most debated questions in political thought.

What do you think? Is Hobbes right that human beings are naturally driven by competition, mistrust, and pride, or does cooperation come just as naturally to us? And if a powerful government is the price of escaping the “war of every man against every man,” how much of your own freedom would you be willing to give up in exchange for security?

How useful was this post?

Click on a star to rate it!

Average rating 5 / 5. Vote count: 4

No votes so far! Be the first to rate this post.

We are sorry that this post was not useful for you!

Let us improve this post!

Tell us how we can improve this post?

References
  1. https://iep.utm.edu/hobmeth/
  2. https://www.kirj.ee/public/trames/trames-2006-1-1.pdf
  3. https://www.nlnrac.org/earlymodern/hobbes/documents/leviathan.html
  4. https://courses.washington.edu/hsteu302/Hobbes%20selections%20(edited).htm
  5. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bellum_omnium_contra_omnes
  6. https://www.d.umn.edu/cla/faculty/jhamlin/4111/Hobbes/Thomas%20Hobbes.htm
  7. https://iep.utm.edu/hobmoral/
  8. https://www.nypl.org/sites/default/files/leviathan.pdf
  9. https://www.sparknotes.com/philosophy/leviathan/section5/

Comments

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Western Political Thought (Plato to Marx)

1 Significance of Western Political Thought

  1. What is Political Thought?
  2. Distinction between Political Thought, Political Theory and Political Philosophy
  3. Relationship between Political Thought and Political Science
  4. Framework of Political Thought
  5. Western Political Thought, Political Institutions and Political Procedures
  6. Western Political Thought, Political Idealism and Political Realism
  7. Characteristic Features of the Great Works of Western Political Thought
  8. Relevance of Western Political Thought

2 Plato

  1. The Man and His Times
  2. His Works
  3. His Methodology
  4. Socratic Base
  5. Theory of Ideas
  6. Theory of Justice
  7. Scheme of Education
  8. Community of Wives and Property
  9. Ideal State: The Ruling Class/Philosophic Ruler
  10. Plato’s Adversaries
  11. Plato’s Place in Western Political Theory

3 Aristotle

  1. Introduction
  2. Introducing Aristotle
  3. Philosophical Foundations of Aristotle’s Political Theory
  4. Plato and Aristotle
  5. Politics and Ethics
  6. Theory of Justice
  7. Property, Family and Slavery
  8. Theory of Revolution
  9. Theory of State
  10. Evaluation of Aristotle’s Political Theory
  11. Influence

4 St. Augustine & St. Thomas Aquinas

  1. Introduction
  2. Life and Work
  3. Civitas Dei Versus Civites Terrena
  4. Justice and the State
  5. State, Property, War and Slavery
  6. Augustine’s Influence
  7. St. Thomas Aquinas and the Grand Synthesis
  8. Law and the State
  9. Church and the State

5 Niccolo Machiavelli

  1. Introduction
  2. Machiavelli: A Child of His Time
  3. Methods of Machiavelli’s Study
  4. Machiavelli’s Political Thought
  5. Concept of Universal Egoism
  6. The “Prince”
  7. Machiavelli’s Classification of Forms of Government
  8. The Doctrine of Aggrandisement
  9. Evaluation

6 Thomas Hobbes

  1. Life and Times
  2. The State of Nature and Natural Rights
  3. Laws of Nature and the Covenant
  4. The Covenant and the Creation of the Sovereign
  5. Rights and Duties of the Sovereign
  6. The Church and the State
  7. Civil Law and Natural Law

7 John Locke

  1. Life and Works
  2. Some Philosophical Problems
  3. The State of Nature and Natural Rights
  4. Social Contract and Civil Society
  5. Consent, Resistance and Toleration
  6. The Lockean Legacy

8 Jean Jacques Rousseau

  1. Life and Times
  2. Revolt against Reason
  3. Critique of Civil Society
  4. Social Contract
  5. Theory of General Will
  6. General Will as the Sovereign
  7. Critical Appreciation

9 Edmund Burke

  1. Restraining Royal Authority
  2. Ireland
  3. East India Company
  4. American Colonies
  5. Criticism of the French Revolution
  6. Critique of Natural Rights and Social Contract
  7. Limits of Reason
  8. Citizenship and Democracy
  9. Religion and Toleration
  10. Criticisms of Burke

10 Immanuel Kant

  1. Representative of the Enlightenment
  2. Kant’s “Copernican Revolution in Metaphysics”
  3. Transcendental-Idealist View of Human Reason
  4. Formulations of the Categorical Imperative
  5. The Universal Law of Right (Recht) or Justice
  6. Property, Social Contract, and the State
  7. Perpetual Peace
  8. Concluding Comments

11 Jeremy Bentham

  1. Life and Times
  2. Utilitarian Principles
  3. Bentham’s Political Philosophy
  4. The Panopticon

12 Alexis de Tocqueville

  1. On Democracy, Revolution and the Modern State
  2. Religion
  3. Women and Family

13 J.S. Mill

  1. Life and Times
  2. Equal Rights for Women
  3. The Importance of Individual Liberty
  4. Representative Government
  5. Beyond Utilitarianism

14 George Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel

  1. Life and Times
  2. Spiritual Ancestry
  3. Idealism
  4. Dialectical Method
  5. Philosophy of History
  6. Theory of State
  7. Theory of Freedom of the Individual

15 Karl Marx

  1. Life and Times
  2. Theory of Alienation
  3. Dialectics
  4. Theory of Historical Materialism
  5. Theory of Class War
  6. Theory of Surplus Value
  7. Theory of Revolution
  8. Dictatorship of the Proletariat
  9. Vision of a Communist Society